The United States and the Lower Mekong Initiative

2016 ◽  
Vol 08 (02) ◽  
pp. 48-57
Author(s):  
Van My LE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
The Us

The US Lower Mekong Initiative is a mechanism to support the Mekong countries in their struggle against hunger and poverty. The initiative is also a part of the “US Pivot to Southeast Asia” strategy to rebalance the influence and strategic competition among big countries in the subregion, especially between the United States and China.

Reassessing War

2019 ◽  
pp. 167-180
Author(s):  
Chia Youyee Vang
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Unintended Consequences ◽  
The Us

Chapter 9 presents interviewees’ reflections as they reassess the war and its impact. The interviewees explore the unintended consequences of the Hmong’s entanglement with the CIA during the US war in Southeast Asia. They measure the losses and upheavals of the war against an appreciation of the subsequent opportunities that came with resettlement in the United States. They revisit betrayals and resentments and express gratitude and pride. Their recollections consist of contradictory viewpoints and perspectives as they struggle to make sense of the war and its enduring legacy. Additionally, the chapter addresses their competing memories and varied truths as narrators.

US and Indian Policies in Direct Conflict, Part II

2020 ◽  
pp. 206-242
Author(s):  
Francine R. Frankel
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Geneva Conference ◽  
Security Alliance

India asserted its influence at the Geneva Conference through the informal participation of Krishna Menon in behind-the-scenes discussions. The Geneva settlement reduced fears among smaller powers that China would intervene in Indo-China and weakened their incentives to join a US-sponsored mutual security alliance. It also deprived China of a rationale for its own expansion to meet a US threat. The “area of peace” thereby served India’s aspiration to protect its role in Indo-China. But this was immediately countered by the US plan to establish SEATO. Indian policymakers treated the United States as its enemy and competitor in Southeast Asia.

Domestic Sources of the US Trade War with China

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (04) ◽  
pp. 5-18
Author(s):  
Troy STANGARONE
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Economic Impact ◽  
The United States ◽  
Full Resolution ◽  
China Trade ◽  
Economic Practices ◽  
The Us ◽  
Trade War ◽  
Near Term

The origins of the US–China trade war predate the Trump administration’s aggressive stance and have their roots in the economic impact of China’s entry into the WTO and China’s economic practices. The recently concluded phase one deal provides each side a chance to cool the tensions, but the politics in the United States likely preclude a full resolution in the near term. Another consequence of the trade war is the acceleration of production shifts out of China to Southeast Asia, but these opportunities are accompanied by greater US scrutiny of trade with the region.

The FPA, US Propaganda, and Postwar Japanese Cinema

2020 ◽  
pp. 47-67
Author(s):  
Sangjoon Lee
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Motion Picture ◽  
Film Industry ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Japanese Cinema ◽  
Japanese Film ◽  
The Us

This chapter recounts how Nagata Masaichi, president of Daiei Studio in Japan, pitched the idea of founding the Federation of Motion Picture Producers in Southeast Asia (FPA) and an annual Southeast Asian Film Festival. It discusses the consensus among American foreign officers stationed in Asia that communists had infiltrated the Japanese film industry since the end of the US occupation of Japan in April 1952. It also describes the activities of the “Reds” in the Japanese motion picture industry that is considered a threat to the United States' strategic Cold War interests in the Asia-Pacific region. The chapter cites Rashomon, which won the award for Best Foreign Language Film at the Oscars and elicited simultaneous respect and jealousy from other nations in the region. It elaborates how the unprecedented success of Rashomon rapidly established Nagata's presence in the Japanese film industry.

South Korea’s Strategic Options amid the US–China Strategic Competition Under the Biden Administration

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (02) ◽  
pp. 49-66
Author(s):  
Hahnkyu PARK ◽  
Chun Hee YANG
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
South Korea ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Hedging Strategy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
Practical Strategy ◽  
The Us ◽  
Rational Calculation

South Korea has so far maintained a “double hedging” strategy—that is, the United States for security, China for economy—in managing its relations with the United States and China. Both Washington and Beijing are recently increasing their pressures on Seoul to join their side, respectively. South Korea needs to re-evaluate its current strategy and adopt a more practical strategy based upon rational calculation of national interests rather than upon political leaders’ ideological beliefs or domestic political considerations.

U.S.-China Rivalry in Southeast Asia: Power Shift or Competitive Coexistence?

2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (04) ◽  
pp. 85-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Global Scale ◽  
Asia Pacific ◽  
Asia Pacific Region ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
Competitive Coexistence ◽  
Power Shift ◽  
Zero Sum

U.S.-China comprehensive competition is currently playing out on an increasingly global scale. The competition's primary locus is the vast Indo-Asia-Pacific region, and it is centered in Southeast Asia. The United States and China each possess comparative advantages in the region. Beijing's advantages are predominantly economic and diplomatic, whereas Washington's are more multifaceted. Although the Barack Obama administration's “pivot” significantly raised the U.S profile in Southeast Asia, China has also expanded its presence and influence. The two powers are increasingly locked in a classic strategic competition, but the pervasive media narrative in the region holds that China is gaining the upper hand. While this gravitation toward Beijing has become a popular meme, it is not empirically accurate—as the United States still possesses substantial overall advantages. Still, the regional balance is dynamic, and the United States needs to remain comprehensively engaged—or else the balance of influence will default to China. At present, the Sino-American competition in Southeast Asia is not (yet) acute and zero-sum. Therefore, the two powers should be able to manage their tensions, limit their rivalry, and practice competitive coexistence.

scholarly journals “Space race” in the strategic triangle of the United States – Russian Federation – People’s Republic of China: comparative analysis

2021 ◽  
pp. 64-77
Author(s):  
Svetlana Vladimirovna Kostyuchek ◽  
Stepan Vlasov ◽  
Andrei Alekseevich Vasin ◽  
Anna Andreevna Fokina
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Outer Space ◽  
The United States ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Strategic Competition ◽  
Space Race ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Military ◽  
Quantitative Indicators

This article is explores the balance of powers in the strategic triangle United States – Russian Federation – People’s Republic of China in space. The key goal lies in assessment of the capacity of space industry in the listed countries. The relevance of the selected topic is substantiated by the strategic importance of the configuration of leadership in the new political space. Space race may bring to achieving technological superiority over the opponent by amplifying the influence in space using the latest and more powerful military and scientific developments. In the course of analysis, the author reveals the essential criteria for comparing the potential of the three countries. Through the prism of neo-realistic paradigm, interpretation is given to the quantitative indicators of the three powers. The article determines the leading countries in “space race”, and answers the question – which country has superiority to establish the rules of conduct in space. The “space race” actors have a sufficient level of power and are somewhat inferior in order to dictate the rules in outer space, or hinder the opponents in development of their space programs using political or economic leverage. China's aspiration to strengthen space capabilities for neutralizing any potential threats alongside commitment of China and Russia to challenge the dominance of the United States, paves the way for shifting the strategic competition between the US and China to space, which affects the military-strategic and technological spheres.

Sino-American Competition in Southeast Asia

2020 ◽  
pp. 241-252
Author(s):  
David Shambaugh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Asian Countries ◽  
Major Powers ◽  
Advantages And Disadvantages ◽  
The Us ◽  
Comparative Advantages ◽  
The Future ◽  
Southeast Asian Countries

This chapter explains that the global competition between the United States and China is increasingly centered in Southeast Asia, and the region will be considerably impacted by the US-China rivalry—much more than most ASEAN states recognize or care to admit. The Sino-American rivalry in Southeast Asia is thus going to be an epic challenge for regional governments (and ASEAN itself) to maneuver effectively between the two major powers, maintain their independence of action, and protect their national sovereignty. The chapter then looks at the spectrum of ASEAN states’ relations with the United States and China. It also studies how both major powers bring certain comparative advantages and disadvantages to their interactions with different Southeast Asian countries. While the Sino-American competition in Southeast Asia is increasingly and comprehensively competitive, it remains fluid and can develop differently in the future. The chapter concludes by assessing the future of the region’s ties with the major powers, considering four distinct possibilities.

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

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