Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision under Suga: Transition and Future Challenges in Southeast Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (03) ◽  
pp. 84-100
Author(s):  
Kei KOGA

While the Suga administration has managed Japan’s foreign policy towards ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) relatively well on the basis of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” that former Prime Minister Abe had envisioned, the administration left a task for the next prime minister to creatively devise a foreign policy strategy to manage the three main challenges in the Indo-Pacific region concerning ASEAN Centrality, Indo-Pacific institutional arrangement and value-based diplomacy.

Subject Japan's foreign policy strategy. Significance Prime Minister Shinzo Abe has changed core structures and frameworks within which Japan's foreign and defence policies are made. These changes can be seen as responses to the rise of China. Impacts Japan will use aid to counter China's influence, competing on quality and a record of delivering on promises. Laws passed under Abe could allow much greater defence cooperation with Australia and India. India is a future partner in Japan's developing relationship with Africa to compete with China’s Africa strategy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-150
Author(s):  
Greg Donaghy

Canadian international history is currently enjoying an Asian moment. A handful of younger scholars have cast their attention eastward, generating exciting new work on Canadian relations with specific countries and regions across the Pacific region. This article draws on some of their work, as well as the author’s own long-standing research on Canada’s Department of External Affairs, to weigh the Pacific’s changing importance to Canada. The article argues that the domestic and foreign policies of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, elected in 1968, were truly transformational. Trudeau swept away the traditional hesitations and confining North Atlanticism that characterized the diplomacy of his postwar predecessors. Instead, he pursued a full-throttled policy of strategic engagement that repositioned Asia front and centre of contemporary Canadian foreign policy.


2001 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-159
Author(s):  
Denise Woods

It is said that pictures tell a thousand words, but to Malaysian Prime Minister Dr Mahathir, the images of Australian soldiers pointing guns at suspected militiamen in East Timor made one word stand out: ‘belligerent’. Images that meant one thing in Australia represented quite different and often opposite meanings in Southeast Asia. In the Australian press, the Australian soldiers were constructed as ‘the good guys’ helping out a neighbouring country in trouble. The press in some Southeast Asian countries told quite a different story — that of the Australian soldiers as intimidating and therefore the ‘bad guys’ of the region. Through a textual analysis of these images, this paper examines the ways in which the Australian soldiers have been represented in the press in Southeast Asia. This paper also discusses the role the reading of these images played in negotiating Australia's role in East Timor and the region.


Asian Survey ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (4) ◽  
pp. 622-641 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diane K. Mauzy ◽  
Brian L. Job

American foreign policy in Southeast Asia from 1975 to the present can be characterized as exhibiting varying degrees of benign neglect, with episodic attention to perceived security threats. Current policies are narrowly focused on anti-terrorism; their perceived anti-Muslim overtones, while engendering instrumental cooperation, have tended to alienate Southeast Asian publics. U.S. influence in Southeast Asia appears to be waning, with China capitalizing on opportunities to expand its influence.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 32-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Benvenuti ◽  
David Martin Jones

This article draws on previously classified Australian and British archival material to reevaluate Australian Prime Minister Gough Whitlam's foreign policy. The article focuses on the Whitlam government's decision in 1973 to withdraw Australian forces from Malaysia and Singapore—a decision that constitutes a neglected but defining episode in the evolution of Australian postwar diplomacy. An analysis of this decision reveals the limits of Whitlam's attempt to redefine the conduct of Australian foreign policy from 1972 to 1975, a policy he saw as too heavily influenced by the Cold War. Focusing on Whitlam's approach to the Five Power Defence Arrangement, this article contends that far from being an adroit and skillful architect of Australian engagement with Asia, Whitlam irritated Australia's regional allies and complicated Australia's relations with its immediate neighbors. Australia's subsequent adjustment to its neighborhood was not the success story implied in the general histories of Australian diplomacy. Whitlam's policy toward Southeast Asia, far from being a “watershed” in foreign relations, as often assumed, left Australia increasingly isolated from its region and more reliant on its chief Cold War ally, the United States.


Author(s):  
Serhii Averianov ◽  

The article analyzes the the People's Republic of China (PRC) influence on the activities of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the security sector. It outlines the specifics of the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China in the region and its connection to the formation of the Southeast Asia (SA) security architecture processes. The article highlightes modern trends and tendencies of China's geostrategic positioning in the region, the pros and cons of the Chinese foreign policy concept at both regional and global levels. For many years China was seen as a threat to Southeast Asian countries due to its political ideology and active support for the uprisings in those countries. In 1967, when ASEAN was founded, China had serious doubts about the motives of this newly formed international union. Beijing was deeply concerned that the organization could have a hidden military connotation that would consolidate anti-Chinese sentiment in Southeast Asia. Formal relations between China and the Association were established in 1991. In July 1994 China became a «consultative partner» within ASEAN Regional Forum on Peace and Security. In 1996 by signing the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation of 1976 China became a full dialogue partner. The transformation of the system of international relations, as well as the global rebalance of power in the post-bipolar era have contributed to the strengthening of China`s positions in world politics. On the one hand the end of the Cold War minimized the risks of a nuclear catastrophe, but at the same time it actualized and accelerated trade and economic cooperation tendencies. In such circumstances most of ASEAN member states sought brand new approach towards China, willing to benefit from its economic upswing. For its part, China's growing dependence on energy forces it to engage in solving regional security issues more actively. Nowadays China's foreign policy is represented by the Belt and Road Initiative, formerly known as the One Belt One Road. It is a global infrastructure development strategy that includes 2 large-scale projects: the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road. Participating in those projects seems lucrative for most Southeast Asia countries, due to their close economic ties with China being nearly the main driver of their own economies. After all, China still remains a key trading partner among ASEAN member states. However, on the other hand, many of the political elites fear that participation in China's projects will put them in a position of dependence on Beijing. That`s why ASEAN tries to maintain the SA as a peaceful, neutral region, free from the dominance of any regional or non-regional state.


Author(s):  
M. Syaprin Zahidi

Vanuatu as one of the countries in the South Pacific Region has become a country that seems very diligent in criticizing Indonesia in international forums relating to the issue of violations of human rights in Papua. This was seen from 1982 when Vanuatu did not yet have diplomatic relations with Indonesia and then continued in 2014 when Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Katokai Kalosil at the 25th UN Human Rights Summit, delivered a speech urging the international community to support the independence of the Papuan people. This article argues that what was done by Vanuatu was inseparable from Vanuatu's domestical politic which the majority supported Papuan independence so that to frame the argument this article would use Graham T Allison's Organizational Process approach and adaptive model of foreign policy from Rosenau


1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Eileen M. Hennessey

Australian foreign policy reached a watershed in late 1941/early 1942. As the Japanese continued their rapid advance through Southeast Asia and into New Guinea, apprehensive Australians believed their country could be next. The government also knew their traditional ally Britain would not come to their aid should the Japanese invade Australia, and as most of their own forces were already out of the country, the remainder would have provided a totally inadequate defence. For Prime Minister Curtin and his advisers it was America that had to provide protection for Australia; both for its own sake, and as the base from which the Japanese advance through the Eastern Pacific rim from North to South could be halted.


MODOS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 239-251
Author(s):  
Leonor Veiga

This text aims to give an overview of existing biennials in Southeast Asia. By adopting a national perspective, it describes the genesis, the continuation (or not) and the programmatic character of regional biennials. The text proposes that the idea of perennial exhibition can be traced to the 1970s, when the ASEAN started to promote regional events, in an attempt to create unicity through culture. As this project lost vitality, it was substituted for biennials in Southeast Asia and in the Asia-Pacific region. According to the reasons behind their genesis, some biennials that were established in Southeast Asia follow the biennale model while others follow the model of resistance biennales. This shows variety and regional independence toward the global world.


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