‘…the cheapest thing in Australia is the girls’: Young Women In Townsville 1942–45

1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Eileen M. Hennessey
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Young Women ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
New Guinea ◽  
Pacific Rim ◽  
Eastern Pacific ◽  
Rapid Advance ◽  
The Government

Australian foreign policy reached a watershed in late 1941/early 1942. As the Japanese continued their rapid advance through Southeast Asia and into New Guinea, apprehensive Australians believed their country could be next. The government also knew their traditional ally Britain would not come to their aid should the Japanese invade Australia, and as most of their own forces were already out of the country, the remainder would have provided a totally inadequate defence. For Prime Minister Curtin and his advisers it was America that had to provide protection for Australia; both for its own sake, and as the base from which the Japanese advance through the Eastern Pacific rim from North to South could be halted.

Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision under Suga: Transition and Future Challenges in Southeast Asia

2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (03) ◽  
pp. 84-100
Author(s):  
Kei KOGA
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Institutional Arrangement ◽  
Southeast Asian ◽  
Pacific Region ◽  
Policy Strategy ◽  
Future Challenges

While the Suga administration has managed Japan’s foreign policy towards ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) relatively well on the basis of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” that former Prime Minister Abe had envisioned, the administration left a task for the next prime minister to creatively devise a foreign policy strategy to manage the three main challenges in the Indo-Pacific region concerning ASEAN Centrality, Indo-Pacific institutional arrangement and value-based diplomacy.

The origins of Canada’s feminist foreign policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
International Community ◽  
Minor Role ◽  
The Past ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
The Government ◽  
A Minor

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.

scholarly journals Reconsidering the Grenada revolution

1995 ◽  
Vol 69 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 121-126
Author(s):  
Jay R. Mandle
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Second Generation ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
Historical Experience ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
The Government

[First paragraph]Caribbean Revolutions and Revolutionary Theory: An Assessment of Cuba, Nicaragua and Grenada. BRIAN MEEKS. London: Macmillan Caribbean, 1993. ix + 210 pp. (Paper n.p.)The Grenada Invasion: Politics, Law, and Foreign Policy Decisionmaking. ROBERT J. BECK. Boulder: Westview, 1993. xiv + 263 pp. (Cloth US$ 49.95)The Gorrión Tree: Cuba and the Grenada Revolution. JOHN WALTON COTMAN. New York: Peter Lang, 1993. xvi + 272 pp. (Cloth US$ 48.95)These three books might be thought of as a second generation of studies concerned with the rise, rule, and destruction of the People's Revolutionary Government (PRG) in Grenada. The circumstances surrounding the accession to power in 1979 of the government led by Maurice Bishop, the nature of its rule, and its violent demise in 1983 resulted in the appearance during the mid-1980s of an extensive literature on the Grenada Revolution. Some of these works were scholarly, others polemical. But what they all had in common was the desire to examine, either critically or otherwise, something which was unique in the historical experience of the English-speaking Caribbean. Never, before the rule of the New JEWEL Movement (NJM) in Grenada, had a Leninist party come to power; never had a violent coup initiated a new political regime; never had a Caribbean government so explicitly rejected U.S. hegemony in the area; and never, before October 1983, had a government experienced quite so dramatic a crisis as that in Grenada, one which resulted in the killing of the Prime Minister and numerous others of his supporters.

The Government and the Prime Minister

2020 ◽  
pp. 106-123
Author(s):  
Martin Ejnar Hansen
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Coalition Governments ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

The formation of Danish governments and their governance continues to be of interest both on their own and comparatively. Minority coalition governments are the norm in Denmark, increasing the importance of support parties for the government to pass its policies. Danish politics can increasingly be seen as two blocs: the ‘red’ bloc led by the Social Democrats and the ‘blue’ bloc led by the Liberals (although it was the Conservatives in the 1980s). This division may have increased the tendency of the presidentialization of Danish politics, not least with the prime minister’s increasing engagement in the day-to-day running of the government, especially with regard to foreign policy. Similarly, the minister of finance is ever more important as well for the day-to-day running of other departments. Ministerial turnover through reshuffles happens during the tenure of most governments, but portfolio redesign mostly occurs when governments are formed. The distribution of portfolios is proportional, but there is much variation in which portfolios parties prefer, with some valuing importance over number of portfolios. Overall, the Danish government and prime minister is a well-researched area, although there is still significant scope for research innovation.

Prospects for India in 2016

2015 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Bharatiya Janata Party ◽  
The Government

Subject Prospects for India in 2016. Significance Prime Minister Narendra Modi's government has accelerated its agenda of piecemeal and sequential reform following his Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)'s defeat in the Bihar elections last month. As difficult state elections approach in the first half of 2016, the government is banking on these reforms and headline growth to secure voter and investor support. In foreign policy, the government is likely to focus on regions of strategic importance, especially Russia and the Middle East.

Watershed Thai election is unlikely

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Public Investment ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Military

Significance The next election will be the first since the military, led by then general, now Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, deposed Yingluck Shinawatra’s administration in May 2014. Impacts The prime minister’s Washington visit later this month will be portrayed as a pre-election display of foreign policy strength. The government will increase public investment for the remainder of this year, at least. This, it hopes, will maintain economic momentum, and strengthen the junta’s popular appeal. The post-election possibility of fresh political interventions by the military will concern investors.

scholarly journals Une ouverture sur le monde: la nouvelle politique étrangère canadienne du gouvernement Chrétien

2005 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-279 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Kirton
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Important Change ◽  
Pierre Trudeau ◽  
Strategic Process ◽  
Canadian Foreign Policy ◽  
Central Elements ◽  
Liberal Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
Substantial Change

When the Liberal government of Jean Chrétien was elected with its strong majority mandate in October 1993, there were few prospects of any substantial change in the long established liberal-internationalist foundations of Canadian foreign policy. As the government moves into the second half of its mandate, however, it is clear that important change has taken place. Both Pearsonian internationalism and Trudeauvian nationalism have been swept away as the central elements in Canadian foreign policy, in favour of an assertive globalism. Although many of these changes were introduced by the Mulroney government and flourished in its later years, under Chrétien the transformation has acquired new strength and speed. Yet because it is largely a reactive rather than strategic process, devoid of the vision which Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau brought into office, there mil continue to be periodic]'allures, difficult adjustments and opportunities missed.

The Small State Alone: Jamaican Foreign Policy, 1977-1980

1983 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-169 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vaughan A. Lewis
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Main Element ◽  
Small State ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Election Manifesto ◽  
The Government

This study is a sequel to one done by this writer on the foreign policy of Jamaica from 1972 to 1977 (Lewis, 1981) and covers the remaining period during which the People's National Party (PNP), led by Prime Minister Michael Manley, presided over the government of the country.In elections held on October 30, 1980, the PNP government was decisively defeated by the opposition Jamaica Labour Party (JLP). The latter had, in the previous elections of December 15, 1976, retained only 13 seats in Jamaica's parliament. When the Jamaica Labour Party administration took office, as the party had promised in its election manifesto, it reversed the central planks of the domestic and foreign policies of the PNP administration and reestablished a close relationship with the United States as the main element of its domestic and foreign policies.

Treaty-Making Procedure in the British Dominions

1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 467-487 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B. Stewart
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
World War ◽  
Separate Representation ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Mother Country ◽  
The World ◽  
Paris Peace Conference ◽  
The Government

The British Dominions prior to the World War had already achieved practically unrestricted freedom with respect to technical and commercial treaties. They had not attained any comparable freedom with respect to “political” treaties. They were, with rare exceptions, excluded from participation in the conclusion of such treaties but were, nevertheless, bound automatically by the obligations undertaken by the mother country. The Government of the United Kingdom, subject to its responsibility to the Imperial Parliament at Westminster, exercised sole authority in all matters relating to the conduct of foreign policy, the maintenance of peace, and the declaration of war. That authority, Prime Minister Asquith declared at the Imperial Conference of 1911, could not be shared with the Dominions. Yet at the close of the War the Dominions were given separate representation at the Paris Peace Conference.

scholarly journals Britain between the U.S. and Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Ananieva Elena
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Practical Implementation ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Eu

Prime Minister T. May has put forward the concept of "Global Britain". After the United Kingdom had left the EU, the concept was formalized under the government of Boris Johnson in the document “Integrated Review of Security, Defense, Development and Foreign Policy "Global Britain in a Competitive Age"”. The article presents an analysis of its goals, methods and practical implementation. Britain, realizing itself as a "middle power", intends to build a system of alliances to counter China and Russia, the latter designated as an ”acute direct threat” to the UK.

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