scholarly journals Analisis Kebijakan Luar Negeri Vanuatu Dalam Mendukung ULMWP Untuk Memisahkan Diri Dari Indonesia

Author(s):  
M. Syaprin Zahidi

Vanuatu as one of the countries in the South Pacific Region has become a country that seems very diligent in criticizing Indonesia in international forums relating to the issue of violations of human rights in Papua. This was seen from 1982 when Vanuatu did not yet have diplomatic relations with Indonesia and then continued in 2014 when Vanuatu Prime Minister Moana Carcasses Katokai Kalosil at the 25th UN Human Rights Summit, delivered a speech urging the international community to support the independence of the Papuan people. This article argues that what was done by Vanuatu was inseparable from Vanuatu's domestical politic which the majority supported Papuan independence so that to frame the argument this article would use Graham T Allison's Organizational Process approach and adaptive model of foreign policy from Rosenau

2020 ◽  
pp. 74-86
Author(s):  
Alexandra Arkhangelskaya

The history of the formation of South Africa as a single state is closely intertwined with events of international scale, which have accordingly influenced the definition and development of the main characteristics of the foreign policy of the emerging state. The Anglo-Boer wars and a number of other political and economic events led to the creation of the Union of South Africa under the protectorate of the British Empire in 1910. The political and economic evolution of the Union of South Africa has some specific features arising from specific historical conditions. The colonization of South Africa took place primarily due to the relocation of Dutch and English people who were mainly engaged in business activities (trade, mining, agriculture, etc.). Connected by many economic and financial threads with the elite of the countries from which the settlers left, the local elite began to develop production in the region at an accelerated pace. South Africa’s favorable climate and natural resources have made it a hub for foreign and local capital throughout the African continent. The geostrategic position is of particular importance for foreign policy in South Africa, which in many ways predetermined a great interest and was one of the fundamental factors of international involvement in the development of the region. The role of Jan Smuts, who served as Prime Minister of the Union of South Africa from 1919 to 1924 and from 1939 to 1948, was particularly prominent in the implementation of the foreign and domestic policy of the Union of South Africa in the focus period of this study. The main purpose of this article is to study the process of forming the mechanisms of the foreign policy of the Union of South Africa and the development of its diplomatic network in the period from 1910 to 1948.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (03) ◽  
pp. 84-100
Author(s):  
Kei KOGA

While the Suga administration has managed Japan’s foreign policy towards ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations) relatively well on the basis of the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific” that former Prime Minister Abe had envisioned, the administration left a task for the next prime minister to creatively devise a foreign policy strategy to manage the three main challenges in the Indo-Pacific region concerning ASEAN Centrality, Indo-Pacific institutional arrangement and value-based diplomacy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (2) ◽  
pp. 191-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Chapnick

In January 2019, a leading Canadian foreign policy blog, OpenCanada.org, declared that “[u]nder the government of Justin Trudeau, Canada has embraced a feminist foreign policy—gradually at first, and with fervor over the past year.” Although critics have debated the policy’s effectiveness, the embrace, if not also the fervor, was indisputable. By 2019, the Trudeau government’s second foreign minister, Chrystia Freeland, was proclaiming Canada’s feminist approach to international relations openly and regularly. The international community had also noticed. This article investigates the origins of the new Canadian foreign policy “brand.” It finds that, contrary to popular thinking, the prime minister himself played at most a minor role in the initiation of what became a full-fledged transformation of Canada’s global image.


2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-150
Author(s):  
Greg Donaghy

Canadian international history is currently enjoying an Asian moment. A handful of younger scholars have cast their attention eastward, generating exciting new work on Canadian relations with specific countries and regions across the Pacific region. This article draws on some of their work, as well as the author’s own long-standing research on Canada’s Department of External Affairs, to weigh the Pacific’s changing importance to Canada. The article argues that the domestic and foreign policies of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau, elected in 1968, were truly transformational. Trudeau swept away the traditional hesitations and confining North Atlanticism that characterized the diplomacy of his postwar predecessors. Instead, he pursued a full-throttled policy of strategic engagement that repositioned Asia front and centre of contemporary Canadian foreign policy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Hamza Fadil ◽  
Shen Yi

Italy is the destination for migration and Libya is the main gateway for sending migrants by sea. Political instability in Libya due to the Arab Spring became fertile ground for smugglers to send thousands of irregular migrants from mainland Africa across the Mediterranean to Europe. The number of irregular migrants who come to cause problems for Italy. Italy is a country that is quite focused on resolving irregular migrant problems, but regulations regarding migrants are still said to be unsuccessful given the growing number of migrants. Migrants who arrive are often referred to as "Marocchini" or Moroccans. This research uses the concept of norms in constructivism. Norms have standards of behavior that contain prohibitions and recommendations of action. After the cessation of Operation Mare Nostrum, Italy continued to show consistency in complying with the laws of the sea and human rights, by continuing to carry out surveillance and rescue at sea. This was reinforced by the statement of the Italian Prime Minister, Matteo Renzi who was committed to making the problem in the Mediterranean a focus of foreign policy and migration became an important political agenda.


Author(s):  
Roy Anthony Rogers ◽  
Nour Altala ◽  
Wan Sharina Ramlah Wan Ahmad Amin Jaffri

The purpose of this study is to examine Malaysia’s diplomatic relations with Syria through three periods: pre-Mahathir era, the first phase of Mahathir era (1981-2003) and the ‘inter-Mahathir’ years (2003-2018) - referring to the period prior to the return of Mahathir as Prime Minister for the second time in 2018. Ultimately, this study attempts to identify the key factors determining the nature of Malaysia’s bilateral ties with Syria during the Mahathir era. The methodology adopted for this study is qualitative in nature, relying on primary and secondary sources, the former being personal interviews conducted with Tun Dr. Mahathir himself and also with scholars in the field. This paper argues that during the pre-Mahathir era (1958-1981), relations with Syria were very much based on political and diplomatic considerations. However, during the Mahathir era (1981-2003) the emphasis changed due to the significant economic development and Malaysia’s foreign policy took a much more global approach. With this change, economic factors as a foreign policy determinant became more prominent as compared to the pre-Mahathir period. The inter-Mahathir years (2003-2018) did not witness any significant development except for the humanitarian support extended by the Malaysian government during the outbreak of the Syrian conflict in 2011.  


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vasieva D. I

This paper investigated major points of the achieving state independence that allowed Uzbekistan to become a full member of the international community, independently pursue its foreign policy and set its own priorities in accordance with its own conditions. It is known that in the first years of independence, Uzbekistan was recognized as a sovereign state by about 130 countries, and our Republic established diplomatic relations with more than 60 countries.


Worldview ◽  
1981 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-18
Author(s):  
Raul S. Manglapus

Martial law in the Philippines was “lifted” on January 17. Some prisoners were released, other rituals performed But there was no dancing in the streets, and any private rejoicing must have been dampened when President and Prime Minister Ferdinand Marcos signed an order retaining the absolute powers vested in him under his 1973 constitution and 1976 amendments, both submitted to mock referenda. The writ of habeas corpus remains suspended under the catchall “crimes against security” and labor strikes are still banned under another catchall category, “vital industries.” The army will not be returning to the barracks.The ceremonial lifting was timed for greatest effect, anticipating Ronald Reagan’s inauguration on January 20 and Pope John Paul lis visit to the island in February an ecstatic event for the 40 million Filipino Catholics who make up 86 per cent of the population. The pope was hardly deceived, and, in any case, he certainly does not give his benediction to government repression. The Reagan administration has issued no official statements on the Philippines, but the new secretary of state has made provocative generalizations about how matters of human rights will be met in U.S. foreign policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document