scholarly journals Désiré Bourneville: A Socialist in Charcot’s Inner Circle

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Leo Coutinho ◽  
Olivier Walusinski ◽  
Helio A. Ghizoni Teive
Keyword(s):  

Désiré Bourneville was one of Jean-Martin Charcot’s most important disciples. His previous works as an alienist allowed him to influence his master’s interest in hysteria, which led to the creation of a service regarded as a neurological mecca. During his time under Charcot, Bourneville, a passionate left-wing radical, had to coexist with characters representative of the conservative, <i>bourgeois</i> Parisian society. The aim of this study is to describe Bourneville’s life and work, as well as the ambiguity of a progressive man such as him, immersed within the economic and cultural elites.

2021 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 118-148
Author(s):  
Andrey Schelchkov ◽  

The division in the international communist movement and the creation of Trotskyism movement coincided with turbulent revolutionary events in Spain, where the left-wing forces were building up their forces. As in many other countries, the split of the communists was reflected in do-mestic politics, one of the aspects of which was the confrontation and extreme hostility of the two currents in world communism. The Span-ish question and the situation in Spanish Trotskyism had a significant impact on the process of forming the doctrine of Trotskyism, primarily in the issue of electoral unions, attitudes towards the Popular Front, and the tasks of the communists in the democratic revolution. This work highlights the process of the formation of the Trotskyist move-ment in Spain, the influence and role in this process of the International Secretariat of Trotskyism, internal splits in the movement, the partici-pation of Spanish Trotskyism in the revolutionary movement.


Author(s):  
Nathan T. Elkins

Nerva ruled from September AD 96 to January 98. His short reign provided little public building and monumental art, and study of Nerva has been the province of the historian, who often relies on textual sources written after his death. History has judged Nerva as an emperor who lacked the respect of the Praetorians and armed forces, and who was vulnerable to coercion. The most complete record of state-sanctioned art from Nerva’s reign is his imperial coinage, frequently studied with historical hindsight and thus characterized as “hopeful,” “apologetic,” or otherwise relating the anxiety of the period. But art operated independently of later and biased historical texts, always presenting the living emperor in a positive light. This book reexamines Nerva’s imperial coinage in positivistic terms and relates imagery to contemporary poetry and panegyric, which praised the emperor. While the audiences at which images were directed included the emperor, attention to hoards and finds also indicates what visual messages were most important in Nerva’s reign and at what other groups in the Roman Empire they were directed. The relationship between the imagery and the rhetoric used by Frontinus, Martial, Tacitus, and Pliny to characterize Nerva and his reign allows reinvestigation of debate about the agency behind the creation of images on imperial coinage. Those in charge of the mint were close to the emperor’s inner circle and thus walked alongside prominent senatorial politicians and equestrians who wrote praise directed at the emperor; those men were in a position to visualize that praise.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Hamed Mousavi

Liberal Zionists blame Israel’s five decade long occupation of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip primarily on Revisionist Zionist ideology and its manifestation in right wing parties such as the Likud. They also argue that the “Two State Solution”, the creation of a Palestinian state alongside Israel, will forever solve this issue. This paper on the other hand argues that while the Israeli left have divergent opinions from the revisionists on many issues, with regards to the “Palestinian question” and particularly on the prospects of allowing the formation of a Palestinian state, liberal Zionists have much closer views to the right wing than would most like to admit. To demonstrate this, the views of Theodore Herzl, the founder of political Zionism, David Ben-Gurion, the most important actor in the founding years of the state, as well as the approach of left wing Israeli political parties are examined. Finally, it is argued that none of the mainstream Zionist political movements will allow the creation of a Palestinian state even on a small part of Palestine.


Author(s):  
Nathan T. Elkins

The strong correspondence between laudatory rhetoric in poetry and panegyric and the images that appear on Nerva’s coins allows a reinvestigation of the age-old debate regarding the agency behind the creation of Roman imperial coin iconography. The evidence available, at least in Nerva’s reign, suggests that the emperor was not the agent; instead, a prominent individual in charge of the mint was responsible for the selection of the imagery. By attending to Trajanic records, it appears that such individuals were very close to the emperor and known to him. This suggests that prominent equestrians in charge of the mint thus were part of the emperor’s inner circle and walked in the same social circles as the people who inked praise directed at the emperor: Martial, Frontinus, Tacitus, and Pliny. These prominent equestrians were thus in a position to visualize the rhetoric used to praise the emperor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 177-192
Author(s):  
Gloria García González

The fortunes of the two weekly magazines Triunfo and La Calle reflect the decline of the Marxist left in Spain during the transition to democracy. While Triunfo evolved from a position of resistance under the Franco regime towards a pragmatism that disenchanted many of its readers, in 1978, the creation of the new weekly La Calle represented a rallying cry to a readership that had already begun to drift away from the Marxist left, both in political terms and in terms of the kind of publication it was keen to buy. The study of the two magazines in these crucial years of the transition serves to exemplify the demise of the Spanish left: with time, both lost their market niche to more moderate and more profitable publications.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 131-146
Author(s):  
Ana Fernández-Montraveta ◽  
Glòria Vázquez ◽  
Hortènsia Curell ◽  
Irene Castellón

The multifunctional tool this paper presents has been developed within the TAGFACT project, a project that aims to automate the annotation of factuality –understood as the degree of commitment with which the writer presents situations– in Spanish journalistic texts. In what follows, the tool, which allows the compilation of the texts and the manual annotation of predicates, is described. The corpus created using it has been extracted in groups of three pieces of news covering the same event from newspapers with different ideologies (left wing, right wing and centrist). It is made up of 176 different pieces of news, containing 1,359 sentences and 46,947 words. The tool has been used so far to manually annotate a section of the ‘Gold Standard’ (approximately 10,000 words). It has proved to be versatile in that it allows for both the creation and management of corpora and corpus annotation, using any tags the user wants depending on the purpose of each corpus.


2021 ◽  
pp. 134-162
Author(s):  
Russell E. Martin

This chapter explores the choreography of Muscovite royal wedding rituals, focusing on the appointments to the honorific duties typically performed at them. It focuses on the three categories of guests: royal relatives, courtiers and servitors of various ranks, and the bride's kin — the new royal in-laws. The chapter then explores the place of royal in-laws at weddings, whose presence was essential yet potentially disruptive to the very peace and harmony at court that the wedding was to symbolize and assure. It argues that the wedding served as a ritualized introduction of the bride's family into the inner circle of the Kremlin in a way that was acceptable to everyone else already living there. Ultimately, the chapter charts the evolving history of the precedence system (mestnichestvo) at weddings, the system of assigning honors and tasks to courtiers by rank. Mingling so many guests with such different social ranks eventually prompted the creation of a wedding exemption to the system of precedence, to avoid disputes over appointments. How that exemption evolved tells us a lot about the relationship between tsars and courtiers, and about monarchical power in Muscovy generally.


Significance The new force consolidates security units across the country under a single command led by Putin loyalist Viktor Zolotov and is directly answerable to the president rather than a security-sector minister. The creation of a 'presidential army' suggests that Putin is concerned about the risk of mass protests amid an economic downturn, about the potential for elite conspiracies and about the trustworthiness of existing security agencies. Impacts The consolidation of security forces under Putin creates a more intimidating environment ahead of parliamentary polls in September. The lack of consultation on this major change underlines the disconnect between Putin's inner circle and the wider technocratic elite. The National Guard is likely to draw funding away from rival security services. MVD police officers who used to earn extra money via the Okhrana security company will drift back to extortion.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (39) ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Clara Albinati

O artigo traça uma trajetória do grupo Cemflores, a partir do contato crítico-afetivo com o arquivo do poeta Marcelo Dolabela, quem guardou por mais de quarenta anos os restos dessa memória. Formado por “trabalhadores em arte”, como se denominaram, Cemflores surge no seio do Movimento Estudantil – quase todos seus integrantes eram estudantes da UFMG – e atuou no cenário da contracultura em Belo Horizonte, nos anos oitenta, período marcado pelo processo de redemocratização. Buscaram repensar a práxis das esquerdas, através da realização de ações poéticas. Publicam revistas e dezenas de livrinhos em mimeógrafo, distribuem poesia em greves e atos pela anistia, realizam recitais, exposições de arte postal e experiências sonoras que culminam na criação das bandas de estilo pós-punk Sexo Explícito, Divergência Socialista e O Último Número.Palavras-chave: Cemflores; Marcelo Dolabela; Arte e política; Poesia marginal; Arte postal.AbstractThe article traces the Cemflores group’s path, based on the critical-affective contact with the poet Marcelo Dolabela’s archive, who kept the remains of that memory for more than forty years. Formed by, as they called themselves, “workers in art”, Cemflores appears within the Student Movement and they acted in the counterculture scenario in Belo Horizonte, in the 1980s, a period marked by the process of Brazil’s redemocratization. They sought to rethink the praxis of the left-wing tendencies, through the performance of poetic actions. They published magazines and dozens of booklets made in mimeograph, distributed poetry in strikes and acts for Amnesty, held recitals, mail art exhibitions and sound experiences that culminated in the creation of the post-punk style bands Sexo Explícito, Divergência Socialista and O Último Número.Keywords: Cemflores; Marcelo Dolabela; Art and politics; Marginal poetry; Mail art.


2019 ◽  
pp. 114-148
Author(s):  
Wen-Qing Ngoei

This chapter examines how the creation of Malaysia in 1963—the merger of Malaya, Singapore and Britain’s Borneo territories—completed a geostrategic arc of anticommunist states in Southeast Asia, undermined Sukarno’s left-leaning regime in Indonesia, and provided a powerful fillip to U.S. Cold War aims. As Singapore prepared to enter the Malaysian federation, its anticommunist leader, Lee Kuan Yew, incarcerated his main left-wing rivals with repressive policies inherited from British colonial rule. This move ensured Britain’s military bases in Singapore would continue to serve Anglo-American interests. In addition, Britain and Malaysia launched effective diplomatic offensives against Sukarno during the Malaysia-Indonesia Confrontation (Konfrontasi) of the early 1960s, destabilizing the Sukarno regime and paving the way for his ouster and Indonesia’s subsequent alignment America against China and the USSR.


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