scholarly journals O legado de Stuart Hall e a Comunicação Comunitária

Matrizes ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Adilson Cabral ◽  
Marco Schneider

This article advocates the relevance of Stuart Hall’s legacy for the study and practice of Community Communication, highlighting part of his production in the 1970s and 1980s, in which Marxian thought was more present. It is argued that the analysis of the various types of oppression and resistance that permeate the communicational practices only have to gain from its critical articulation to the general plan of the class struggle. It is defended, in epistemological, theoretical and methodological terms, a rapprochement between Cultural Studies and the Political Economy of Information, Communication and Culture, as a movement capable of revealing little explored horizons for the praxis of Community Communication.

Matrizes ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
Luiz Felipe Ferreira Stevanim

This paper reflects on the approximations and tensions between cultural studies and the political economy of communication, taking the work of Stuart Hall as a contact point. From the reflections that the author proposes on the theme of ideology and the relations between economy and culture, we argue that the understanding of social phenomena cannot The understanding of social phenomena cannot dispense with an approach that articulates different fields in order to reach the social totality. In his analyzes of culture, ideology, and identity, Hall uses the concrete perspective of historical materialism without limiting himself to economic determinism, especially through a posture of theoretical renewal that helps to overcome dissent between the two camps.


Author(s):  
Gökhan Bulut

This article is an attempt to reestablish the linkage of the political economy of communication with the field of social classes and class relations. Studies in the field of political economy of communication are mostly shaped within the scope of instrumentalist explanation: Social communication institutions such as communication and media are perceived as a very homogeneous structure and these institutions are directly considered as the apparatus of capital and capitalists. However, in this study, it is argued that in capitalist societies, communication, and media should be understood as a field and medium of class struggle loaded with contradictions. Another point is that the political economy of communication is mostly limited to media studies. However, in today's capitalist societies, the media is not the only structure and actor in which communication forms. In this study, communication practices in capitalist society are discussed in the context of class discussions and the relationship between class struggle, culture and communication is discussed.


Author(s):  
Ulwan Fakhri Noviadhista ◽  
Bambang Dwi Prasetyo ◽  
Antoni

Abstrak Melalui pendekatan Kajian Budaya dan Ekonomi Politik, penelitian ini mengungkap adanya komodifikasi identitas Tionghoa yang diartikulasikan melalui humor oleh Ernest Prakasa, komika Indonesia beretnis Tionghoa, melalui kelima pertunjukan stand-up comedy-nya. Penelitian kualitatif berparadigma konstruktivis-kritis ini mengadopsi model beserta teori encoding/decoding dari Stuart Hall. Pada proses encoding, di samping mencoba mengangkat diskursus tentang identitas melalui humor seperti komika dari identitas marginal lain, Ernest juga memiliki intensi untuk mengkomodifikasi identitasnya. Adapun hasil dari decoding terhadap delapan audiens pertunjukan stand-up comedy Ernest membuktikan bahwa mayoritas atau enam orang di antaranya terklasifikasi sebagai audiens yang berada pada posisi dominan-hegemonis, yakni berpersepsi bahwa humor identitas dari Ernest ditujukan untuk negosiasi identitasnya. Kata kunci: kajian budaya, kajian humor, model encoding/decoding Abstract Through Cultural Studies and Political Economy approach, this research reveals the commodification of Chinese identity that articulated through humor by Ernest Prakasa, a Chinese-Indonesian comic, in his five stand-up comedy shows. This qualitative constructivist-critical paradigm research adopts the models and theories of Stuart Hall’s encoding/decoding. In the encoding process, aside from articulating the identity through humorous discourse like other marginalized comics, Ernest also has the intention to commodify his identity. Meanwhile, the results of decoding eight Ernest’s stand-up comedy shows audiences proved that the six of them are classified as audiences in a dominant-hegemonic position, perceiving that the humor of Ernest's identity is intended to negotiate his identity. Keywords: cultural studies, humor studies, encoding/decoding model


Author(s):  
Armond Towns

Paul Gilroy is a central figure in British cultural studies. From There Ain’t No Black in the Union Jack to Darker than Blue, his work has consistently interrogated what the political means for cultural studies, particularly with an eye toward making the world anew at some point in the near future. Indeed, Gilroy’s work suggests that the construct of the “political,” for cultural studies, has at least two interrelated meanings, both future-focused: (1) the political involves one form of investigation as a mode of entering into the conjunctural analysis; and (2) the political is also a nod toward black futurities as a mode of forever transforming said conjuncture. First, as noted by Stuart Hall, the cultural studies scholar has the responsibility to “necessarily abstract” from the conjuncture to begin an analysis. What this means is, whereas disciplinary scholarship focuses on the cultural, social, economic, or the political as set boundaries, the cultural studies scholar can begin with the political, in the first instance, and this may (or may not) lead to an investigation of the social, economic, or cultural elements of the conjuncture. This is an inherent element of the interdisciplinary approach of cultural studies. For Gilroy, nationalism and fascism are political constructs that he begins with, in the first instance. These political constructs, then, disproportionately lead to questions of racism and colonialism, which are disproportionately left out of the larger British cultural studies project. Gilroy’s career outlines a position that arguably has changed very little in contemporary British cultural studies: that white men are largely the gatekeepers of what constitutes cultural studies, many of whom completely ignore race in their theorizations of nationalism and fascism, even when it serves as an absent presence. Further, this liberal position of cultural studies requires intervention. Thus, second, and as noted by Lawrence Grossberg, the political for cultural studies also assumes that one’s work should do something in the world; it should seek to forever transform the conjuncture. In short, cultural studies is not just a theoretical exercise, but it is about telling a “better story” that can lead to transformation in the world. Indeed, Gilroy’s treatise on “racelessness,” often considered a nod toward colorblindness, is actually his attempt to speak the world anew. Put differently, Gilroy’s project has always been concerned with “routes” toward a new construct of humanism to disrupt Western engagements with the human. Despite its potential for white liberalism, then, Gilroy views cultural studies as uniquely positioned to speak the world anew, to challenge the solidity of the Western human and its connections to the Western nation. This, for Gilroy, requires rethinking the future, not through Karl Marx’s communist future, but Frantz Fanon’s decolonial future. In short, black futurities are everyone’s future.


Lateral ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Wood

Sean Johnson Andrews has produced an engaging text of multifaceted value. His work, particularly the opening chapters, provides a concise history of the Birmingham Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies (CCCS), the (early) Frankfurt School Critical Theory, and the Political Economy of Communication (PEC). Although the histories and notable figureheads of these schools will be broadly familiar to most scholars working in the realm of cultural studies, these opening chapters would be an excellent introduction to the field for either a general readership or students. Indeed, this would make a good textbook in many contexts.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcos Dantas ◽  
Marcela Canavarro ◽  
Marina Barros

RESUMO Este artigo contém elementos ainda exploratórios de pesquisas que vêm sendo desenvolvidas pelos seus autores. São descritas algumas práticas colaborativas em redes ativistas, a exemplo do "Rio na Rua" e da "Avaaz", visando, sobretudo, exibir o estágio metodológico em que se encontra a pesquisa, para sustentar sua hipótese central: as redes colaborativas, politizadas ou não, mobilizam trabalho gratuito de bilhões de pessoas que servem, como qualquer trabalho não pago, para a acumulação de capital. Utilizamos o campo da Economia Política da Informação, Comunicação e Cultura (EPICC) como base teórica da análise e expomos resultados preliminares de pesquisas empíricas em andamento.Palavras-chave: Mais-valia 2.0; Trabalho Gratuito; Redes de Mobilização; Facebook; Avaaz.ABSTRACT This article brings a preliminary study that has been carried on by its authors in the last months. We describe collaborative practices in activist networks, such as Rio na Rua's Facebook page and "Avaaz". The main focus here is to present the methodological phase of the research to support our thesis: collaborative networks, whether political or not, mobilize non-paid work of billions of people who contribute to capital accumulation. The Political Economy of Information, Communication and Culture is the theoretical basis of the analisys and we publish here some preliminary results of ongoing empirical research.Keywords: Surplus value 2.0; Non-paid work; Mobilization Networks; Facebook; Avaaz.


2015 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Éric George ◽  
Oumar Kane

In this article, the authors show the relevance of a dialogue between several critical perspectives in order to properly analyse the digital information and communications technology (ICT). If the political economy of communication is relevant to highlight the inequalities and power relations in the organization of communication systems, this approach is limited when it comes to taking into account the autonomy of the social agents. They propose therefore to articulate in the analysis the structures of domination with the emancipatory potentialities through the combination of political economy of communication and cultural studies, without ignoring the materiality of the technologies. This would contribute to a critical intelligibility of the overall economy of digital technologies in the network age.Dans cette contribution, les auteurs proposent de montrer la pertinence de faire dialoguer plusieurs perspectives critiques afin d’analyser les technologies numériques d’information et de communication (TNIC). Ils montrent que l’économie politique de la communication, pertinente pour mettre en évidence les inégalités et les rapports de pouvoir dans l’organisation des systèmes de communication, est limitée quand il s’agit de tenir compte de la part d’autonomie dans les jeux d’acteurs. Ils proposent en conséquence d’articuler les analyses des structures de domination et des potentialités d’émancipation en combinant économie politique et cultural studies, sans oublier la prise en compte de la matérialité des dispositifs techniques. Agencer ces travaux contribuerait à une intelligibilité critique de l’économie globale des technologies numériques à l’ère des réseaux.


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