The European Cooperation in the Southern Mediterranean: The Multilateralization of Bilateral Relations?

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 117-135 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Bicchi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Information Gathering ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
European Cooperation ◽  
Bilateral Relations ◽  
Mediterranean Countries ◽  
Southern Mediterranean

Summary This article focuses on institutionalized forms of diplomatic cooperation among European Union (eu) members in southern Mediterranean capitals. It argues that European diplomatic cooperation represents a thin form of multilateralization of member states’ bilateral relations with southern Mediterranean countries. By analysing diplomatic presence on the ground, it shows that the European Union delegations in the area are not only big, but also politically strong, and they interact with a large number of national diplomats. The article examines how eu delegations in the southern Mediterranean represent a diplomatic ‘site’, in which diplomacy occurs in the shape of information-gathering, representation and negotiation, including among eu member states. This does not amount to a single European diplomatic system, however, as coordination remains thin to date and the agenda-setting mechanisms for eu delegations’ work and for European diplomatic cooperation have not (yet?) been fully developed.

scholarly journals Impacto de los acuerdos de asociación en el comercio Euromediterráneo de frutas y hortalizas

2011 ◽  
Vol 7 (13) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
M. Luisa Martí Selva ◽  
José M. García Álvarez-Coque
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Fruits And Vegetables ◽  
Agricultural Trade ◽  
Differentiated Products ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Mediterranean Countries ◽  
Southern Mediterranean ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Model Approach

The aim of this research is to discuss a different way to represent the influence of Association Agreements on the agricultural trade between Southern Mediterranean Countries and the European Union in the period 1995-2004. A yearly analysis makes it possible to study trade changes after the Association Agreement between European Union and Southern Mediterranean Countries. For assessment of the Association Agreements, groups of countries with different treatment granted by the EU can separately considered. For these purposes, a gravity model approach could be of help, in particular for differentiated products such as fruits and vegetables.

scholarly journals EU cultural action in the Southern Neighbourhood Policy: the development of a national cultural strategy in Jordan

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 86-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fanny Bouquerel
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Technical Assistance ◽  
Social Effects ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Thick Description ◽  
Cultural Policies ◽  
Mediterranean Countries ◽  
The Social ◽  
Southern Mediterranean ◽  
European Program

Med Culture (2014–2019), the European Union (EU) regional program dedicated to culture in Southern Mediterranean countries, aims at "supporting culture as a vector of democratization and development," and encouraging reforms in cultural policies. Responding to the desire of Jordan’s Ministry of Culture to develop a national cultural strategy, the Med Culture Technical Assistance Unit suggested implementing a process that included a series of consultations that would bring together authorities and independent cultural players. Through a thick description of the process and an approach that focuses on the sociology of the actors, this paper aims to identify the social effects of this European program on relations between the different stakeholders involved.

scholarly journals eu External Representation Post-Lisbon: The Performance of eu Diplomacy in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine

2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dorina Baltag
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Performance Criteria ◽  
External Representation ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Treaty Of Lisbon ◽  
European Cooperation ◽  
Foreign And Security Policy

Summary The European Union (eu) today has quasi-embassies at its disposal in third countries — the eu delegations — which represent the Union’s eyes, ears and face. Following the Treaty of Lisbon, these delegations assumed the role of the rotating Presidencies and oversee the conduct of eu diplomatic affairs. In practice, this implies representing the eu and cooperating with eu member states’ embassies on matters not only relevant for aid and trade, but also for foreign and security policy. By employing performance criteria such as effectiveness, relevance and capability, this article uncovers the particularities of the practices of European diplomatic cooperation among eu delegations and national embassies in Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine. Drawing on fieldwork conducted in Minsk, Chisinau and Kiev from 2013-2016, the article explores practices of European cooperation abroad, shows how eu diplomatic actors identify a common approach and emphasizes certain capability issues faced by the eu in these countries.

Voting Behavior in the Council of the European Union: The Effect of the Trio Presidency

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 489-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philippe van Gruisen ◽  
Pieterjan Vangerven ◽  
Christophe Crombez
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Member State ◽  
Agenda Setting ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Roll Call ◽  
Member States ◽  
Present Evidence

This paper examines the Trio Presidency and its impact on voting behavior in the Council of the European Union. Trios of Member States cooperate for 18-month periods, with each member holding the Presidency for six months. We study whether belonging to the Trio increases the probability that a Member State votes in favor of a measure. We analyze roll call votes on 1038 legislative acts from January 2007 till June 2014. Conducting probit analyses we present evidence that Member States are indeed more likely to vote in favor during their participation in Trios. We show that this results mainly from the Trio’s agenda-setting powers. Moreover, holding the Presidency itself does not further increase the probability of voting in favor.

The European Union’s Policies Towards Iraq (2014–2020)

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-120
Author(s):  
L. D. Oganisyan
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Arab World ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Post Conflict ◽  
Mediterranean Countries ◽  
Southern Mediterranean ◽  
High Level ◽  
The Eu

Political instability in the Middle East and North Africa in the early 2010s, accompanied by an escalation of the terrorist threat and uncontrolled migration, caused serious concern in the European Union about the situation in the Arab world. As a consequence, the EU has noticeably increased assistance to Iraq, providing Baghdad with substantial support in the fight against the Islamic State, preventing the humanitarian crisis, stabilizing the situation and promoting post-conflict reconstruction. However, these efforts have not yet been explored in depth by the Russian experts, who traditionally focus on the EU relations with the Southern Mediterranean countries.The author aims to reveal the logic behind the evolution of the European Union’s policy towards Iraq since 2014, as well as its impact on the EU assistance programmes to this country. The paper consists of three sections: the first one outlines the evolution of the EU strategic priorities in Iraq during 2014–2019, the second covers the major assistance programmes implemented by the European Union, both bilaterally and multilaterally, in Iraq; the third examines the EU reaction to the rising tensions in Iraq at the turn of 2019–2020.The author concludes that the EU’s growing interest in Iraq in recent years stems not only from concerns about transformation of this country into a source of cross-border challenges and threats, but also from the conviction of the EU officials that Iraq might potentially become the cornerstone of a new regional security architecture. On the basis of these considerations, the EU provides a comprehensive support to Iraq, including both humanitarian aid and development assistance aimed primarily at eliminating the fundamental causes of instability and radicalization. At the same time while demonstrating its commitment to develop cooperation with both government agencies and non-governmental organizations, the EU clearly prefers to assist Iraq through international organizations, rather than directly. Although the EU’s ability to influence Baghdad remains limited, compared to that of the US and regional actors, the European Union is perceived in Iraq as a neutral player and this might facilitate the achievement of its policy objectives. However, taking into account such factors as a high level of corruption in Iraq, substantial resources for reconstruction already available for the country, as well as Brussels’ focus on Syria, the scope of the EU’s further involvement in Iraq remains unclear.

Political aspects of security of the European Union Member States

2020 ◽  
pp. 97-105
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Kusztykiewicz-Fedurek
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Negative Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Political Security ◽  
New Institutions ◽  
The Stability ◽  
Key Aspects ◽  
The Eu

Political security is very often considered through the prism of individual states. In the scholar literature in-depth analyses of this kind of security are rarely encountered in the context of international entities that these countries integrate. The purpose of this article is to draw attention to key aspects of political security in the European Union (EU) Member States. The EU as a supranational organisation, gathering Member States first, ensures the stability of the EU as a whole, and secondly, it ensures that Member States respect common values and principles. Additionally, the EU institutions focus on ensuring the proper functioning of the Eurozone (also called officially “euro area” in EU regulations). Actions that may have a negative impact on the level of the EU’s political security include the boycott of establishing new institutions conducive to the peaceful coexistence and development of states. These threats seem to have a significant impact on the situation in the EU in the face of the proposed (and not accepted by Member States not belonging to the Eurogroup) Eurozone reforms concerning, inter alia, appointment of the Minister of Economy and Finance and the creation of a new institution - the European Monetary Fund.

Foreign Affairs Federalism in the European Union

2019 ◽  
pp. 331-351
Author(s):  
Robert Schütze
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
International Law ◽  
Legal Order ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
European Court ◽  
Treaty Of Rome ◽  
Formed Part ◽  
Mixed Agreements

The European Union was born as an international organization. The 1957 Treaty of Rome formed part of international law, although the European Court of Justice was eager to emphasize that the Union constitutes “a new legal order” of international law. With time, this new legal order has indeed evolved into a true “federation of States.” Yet how would the foreign affairs powers of this new supranational entity be divided? Would the European Union gradually replace the member states, or would it preserve their distinct and diverse foreign affairs voices? In the past sixty years, the Union has indeed significantly sharpened its foreign affairs powers. While still based on the idea that it has no plenary power, the Union’s external competences have expanded dramatically, and today it is hard to identify a nucleus of exclusive foreign affairs powers reserved for the member states. And in contrast to a classic international law perspective, the Union’s member states only enjoy limited treaty-making powers under European law. Their foreign affairs powers are limited by the exclusive powers of the Union, and they may be preempted through European legislation. There are, however, moments when both the Union and its states enjoy overlapping foreign affairs powers. For these situations, the Union legal order has devised a number of cooperative mechanisms to safeguard a degree of “unity” in the external actions of the Union. Mixed agreements constitute an international mechanism that brings the Union and the member states to the same negotiating table. The second constitutional device is internal to the Union legal order: the duty of cooperation.

Review by Constitutional Courts of the Obligation of National Courts of Last Instance to Refer a Preliminary Question to the Court of Justice of the EU

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (6) ◽  
pp. 1663-1700 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clelia Lacchi
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Constitutional Courts ◽  
Member States ◽  
Constitutional Review ◽  
National Courts ◽  
Court Of Justice ◽  
Judicial Remedy ◽  
The Eu

The Constitutional Courts of a number of Member States exert a constitutional review on the obligation of national courts of last instance to make a reference for a preliminary ruling to the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU).Pursuant to Article 267(3) TFEU, national courts of last instance, namely courts or tribunals against whose decisions there is no judicial remedy under national law, are required to refer to the CJEU for a preliminary question related to the interpretation of the Treaties or the validity and interpretation of acts of European Union (EU) institutions. The CJEU specified the exceptions to this obligation inCILFIT. Indeed, national courts of last instance have a crucial role according to the devolution to national judges of the task of ensuring, in collaboration with the CJEU, the full application of EU law in all Member States and the judicial protection of individuals’ rights under EU law. With preliminary references as the keystone of the EU judicial system, the cooperation of national judges with the CJEU forms part of the EU constitutional structure in accordance with Article 19(1) TEU.

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