Performing Memory: Vladimir Putin and the Celebration of World War II in Russia

2011 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Wood

AbstractBy making World War II a personal event and also a sacred one, Vladimir Putin has created a myth and a ritual that elevates him personally, uniting Russia (at least theoretically) and showing him as the natural hero-leader, the warrior who is personally associated with defending the Motherland. Several settings illustrate this personal performance of memory: Putin's meetings with veterans, his narration of his own family's sufferings in the Leningrad blockade, his visits to churches associated with the war, his participation in parades and the creation of new uniforms, and his creation of a girls' school that continues the military tradition. In each of these settings Putin demonstrates a connection to the war and to Russia's greatness as dutiful son meeting with his elders, as legitimate son of Leningrad, and as father to a new generation of girls associated with the military. Each setting helps to reinforce a masculine image of Putin as a ruler who is both autocrat and a man of the people.

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Emad Khamis Hamza ◽  
Ali Hussein Ali Saed

The outbreak of World War II in September 1939 had a negative impact not only on the European continent, but also most of the countries of Asia and Africa. Iraq was affected because of its political and economic association with the British government, which was one of the parties involved in that war. The Iraqi and British governments had signed a treaty concerning their political, economic and military relationship on 30 June 1930. It came into force after the end of the mandate and the entry of Iraq League of Nations in 1932, but that the treaty was only a new framework for the continuation of the British occupation. The situation was exacerbated when the military became the helm of the government after the 1936 coup led by Bakr Sidqi, which caused much anxiety within the British government and the strained relations between it and the Iraqi government despite the British recognition of the coup government. These tensions became more evident when World War II broke out. At this point, the British government demanded that Iraq abide by the provisions of the 1930 Treaty by declaring war on Germany. However, the Iraqi government. In addition to the severing of diplomatic relations, the tension between the British and Iraqi governments were intensified by Italy’s entry into the war with Germany. Iraq refused to sever its diplomatic relations with Germany, but allowed the Italian government to open an embassy in Baghdad, which Britain considered an act of hostility. Military operations between the Iraqi and British armies continued throughout May 1941, known to the historical sources as ‘the movement of Mayes’ or ‘the revolt of Rashid Ali Kilani’ or ‘the Iraq war the British second’. The Dulaim brigade and nearby villages were involved in the greatest share of those clashes, which left material and human destruction on the people of the judiciary in particular, and the Dulaim brigade and Iraq in general. This ended with the occupation of Fallujah by British forces on the 19th of May 1941. It is useful to consider the position of Falluja in the context of the military battles that took place between the Iraqi and British armies during this period. The study is divided into four subjects .the first subject was titled as ”the British- Iraqi treaties until 1930”. It deals with most important provisions of the treaty, which became controversial. The second subject was ”Falluja and preliminaries of May’s Movement” clarifies the British government’s request, under the terms of the 1930 treaty, that Iraq declare war on the Axis countries headed by Germany. This request was rejected by the Iraqi government. In particular, this segment considers events after Rashid Ali al-Kilani became prime minister and the anti-British military leaders took control of Iraq, as well as the military and political preparations taken by the Iraqi and British governments throughout April 1941. This study also explores their impact on the situation in the Fallujah district, which forms the third segment, titled “Fallujah and the Second Iraqi- British War”. This section explores the most important battles occuring in the lands of Fallujah district, and the role of the people of the judiciary in supporting The Iraqi army against the British forces, which prompted the latter to take revenge on them after occupying the center of killing and sabotage on the nineteenth of May 1941, Atanih than the recent push to revenge them after the occupation of the district center of death and destruction on the 19th of May 1941, and the steps that were taken after a full occupation of the land district of Fallujah until the entry of British troops to Baghdad on the fifth of June of the same year. Keywords: Fallujah, Documentary, Movement, May, Position


Cinema’s Military Industrial Complex examines how the American military has used cinema and related visual, sonic, and mobile technologies to further its varied aims. The essays in this book address the way cinema was put to work for purposes of training, orientation, record keeping, internal and external communication, propaganda, research and development, tactical analysis, surveillance, physical and mental health, recreation, and morale. The contributors examine the technologies and types of films that were produced and used in collaboration among the military, film industry, and technology manufacturers. The essays also explore the goals of the American state, which deployed the military and its unique modes of filmmaking, film exhibition, and film viewing to various ends. Together, the essays reveal the military’s deep investment in cinema, which began around World War I, expanded during World War II, continued during the Cold War (including wars in Korea and Vietnam), and still continues in the ongoing War on Terror.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-11
Author(s):  
Dilorom Bobojonova ◽  

In this article, the author highlights the worthy contribution of the people of Uzbekistan, along with other peoples, to the victory over fascism in World War II in a historical aspect. This approach to this issue will serve as additional material to previously published works in international scientific circles


2015 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 449-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. Cooper ◽  
R. K. Blashfield

The DSM-I is currently viewed as a psychoanalytic classification, and therefore unimportant. There are four reasons to challenge the belief that DSM-I was a psychoanalytic system. First, psychoanalysts were a minority on the committee that created DSM-I. Second, psychoanalysts of the time did not use DSM-I. Third, DSM-I was as infused with Kraepelinian concepts as it was with psychoanalytic concepts. Fourth, contemporary writers who commented on DSM-I did not perceive it as psychoanalytic. The first edition of the DSM arose from a blending of concepts from the Statistical Manual for the Use of Hospitals of Mental Diseases, the military psychiatric classifications developed during World War II, and the International Classification of Diseases (6th edition). As a consensual, clinically oriented classification, DSM-I was popular, leading to 20 printings and international recognition. From the perspective inherent in this paper, the continuities between classifications from the first half of the 20th century and the systems developed in the second half (e.g. DSM-III to DSM-5) become more visible.


Author(s):  
Ilko Drenkov

Dr. Radan Sarafov (1908-1968) lived actively but his life is still relatively unknown to the Bulgarian academic and public audience. He was a strong character with an ulti-mate and conscious commitment to democratic Bulgaria. Dr. Sarafov was chosen by IMRO (Inner Macedonian Revolutionary Organization) to represent the idea of coop-eration with Anglo-American politics prior to the Second World War. Dr. Sarafov studied medicine in France, specialized in the Sorbonne, and was recruited by Colonel Ross for the Secret Intelligence Service (SIS), remaining undisclosed after the with-drawal of the British legation in 1941. After World War II, he continued to work for foreign intelligence and expanded the spectrum of cooperation with both France and the United States. After WWII, Sarafov could not conform to the reign of the communist regime in Bulgaria. He made a connection with the Anglo-American intelligence ser-vices and was cooperating with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) for more than a decade. Sarafov was caught in 1968 and convicted by the Committee for State Securi-ty (CSS) in Bulgaria. The detailed review of the past events and processes through personal drama and commitment reveals the disastrous core of the communist regime. The acknowledgment of the people who sacrificed their lives in the name of democrat-ic values is always beneficial for understanding the division and contradictions from the time of the Cold War.


Author(s):  
Robert F. Jefferson

The history of the African American military experience in World War II tends to revolve around two central questions: How did World War II and American racism shape the black experience in the American military? And how did black GIs reshape the parameters of their wartime experiences? From the mid-1920s through the Great Depression years of the 1930s, military planners evaluated the performance of black soldiers in World War I while trying to ascertain their presence in future wars. However, quite often their discussions about African American servicemen in the military establishment were deeply moored in the traditions, customs, and practices of American racism, racist stereotypes, and innuendo. Simultaneously, African American leaders and their allies waged a relentless battle to secure the future presence of the uniformed men and women who would serve in the nation’s military. Through their exercise of voting rights, threats of protest demonstration, litigation, and White House lobbying from 1939 through 1942, civil rights advocates and their affiliates managed to obtain some minor concessions from the military establishment. But the military’s stubborn adherence to a policy barring black and white soldiers from serving in the same units continued through the rest of the war. Between 1943 and 1945, black GIs faced white officer hostility, civilian antagonism, and military police brutality while undergoing military training throughout the country. Similarly, African American servicewomen faced systemic racism and sexism in the military during the period. Throughout various stages of the American war effort, black civil rights groups, the press, and their allies mounted the opening salvoes in the battle to protect and defend the wellbeing of black soldiers in uniform. While serving on the battlefields of World War II, fighting African American GIs became foot soldiers in the wider struggles against tyranny abroad. After returning home in 1945, black World War II-era activists such as Daisy Lampkin and Ruby Hurley, and ex-servicemen and women, laid the groundwork for the Civil Rights Movement.


2019 ◽  
pp. 139-169
Author(s):  
Isser Woloch

This chapter focuses on Britain after World War II. The British could take pride in their stubborn endurance over six long years of war, but the toll and the scars ran deep by 1945: over 950,000 wartime casualties, including 357,000 killed; massive bombing destruction of already scarce housing; pervasive shortages and bleak austerities; and an empty treasury. From day one, inexorable postwar economic and financial constraints enveloped the Labour government, apart from its self-inflicted wounds such as the winter coal crisis in 1946–47 and the convertibility fiasco. However, across its five-year term of office, Labour stood by its proclaimed egalitarian values. Labour honored its unprecedented commitment “to raise the living standards of the people as a whole,” and it linked that goal to the imperative of raising the economy's productive capacities. The chapter also looks at the general election of 1945.


Author(s):  
R. Goldman ◽  
R. Peterson

In the early 1970s, gas turbine technology had reached the stage where it became feasible to consider marinization of state-of-the-art aircraft engines. Approximately concurrently with these technological advances, the U.S. Navy had the need to project replacements for many of its conventionally propelled surface ships of World War II vintage. Characteristics of good fuel economy coupled with potentially viable reliability and maintenance characteristics conditioned the development of main and auxiliary gas turbine prime movers for ships. Ship design, therefore, was strongly influenced by previously unavailable power plant characteristics. New ships are building and others actively being designed to draw upon these technological advantages, and a broad base of support is being established to ensure the continued long range mobility of the U.S. Navy’s ships.


1963 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 166-172
Author(s):  
Lea E. Williams

Einstein once refused to speculate on the types of weapons to be used in a hypothetical third world war; but he was succinct and specific in naming those of an ensuing fourth global contest – “rocks”. Just as nuclear arms have very possibly made World War II the penultimate great conflict, the super bombs have created a climate in which international rivalries contend through cold war confrontation, police actions and limited warfare. The total terror of our nuclear age has thus far served to confine military clashes to the battlefields of Korea, Vietnam and the Near East, all restricted arenas in comparison to those of 1914–18 and 1939–45. Fear of thermonuclear retaliation has prevented attacks on, to use MacArthur's term, the “privileged sanctuaries” of our era's prime combatants.


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