Post-Normal Times Laboratory

Nowadays, for science as a type of activity and a socio-cultural institution, the question of the boundaries of its own agency is extremely relevant. Various global challenges (energy, climate, pandemics, security, etc.) are in tune with the challenges for the very concept of science, for its norms and values. In a discussion article, V.N. Porus and V.A. Bazhanov discuss aspects of the political agency of post-normal science (J. Ravetz, S. Funtowicz) — a type of science that claims to go beyond normal science (T. Kuhn) as a process simple and definite solution of problems within the framework of the prevailing paradigms. This article discusses aspects of the political subjectivity of science in the language of locations, the most important of which is the laboratory, understood in broad socio-cultural and socio-epistemic aspects. With the involvement of historical and scientific (atomic-nuclear problem) and modern situational cases (COVID-19), the problems of the relationship between “scientific” and “political” in the location of the expanded laboratory are considered. In the extended laboratory, the situational realization of the political agency of science is carried out. It is emphasized that science has not yet acquired the status of an independent and full-fledged political agency, and the corresponding institutionalization. The political agency of science is specific and episodic. Loaded with complexity and uncertainty modernity is considered by a number of authors at the present time as a post-normal times. It is noted that in the light of the post-normal nature of modernity while striving for political subjectivity, science (at the level of a multitude of participating actors) should not change its “personal ontology” (responsibility for the truth), which is difficult to achieve without an appeal to the virtue of wisdom.

THE ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES IN RESOLVING THE FIRST NORTH KOREAN NUCLEAR CRISIS

The article examines the relationship between the United States and the DPRK during the first North Korean nuclear crisis. It discusses the events leading up to the crisis and the behavior of both sides and international organizations before and during the crisis. The article draws up the role of South Korea during the escalation of the crisis, as well as influence of other countries interested in resolving the crisis. It analyzes the U.S.-North Korea relationship and the impact of the UN and the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on the international situation at that time. In this aspect, the study of the Korean nuclear program and the role of the United States has not previously been carried out in Russian historiography. The discussion leads to the design and stages of the KEDO creation with attention to the documents on this international consortium. The situation demonstrates different visions on the USA foreign policy strategy chosen in relation to the DPRK nuclear problem in 1990s, namely the opinion of the United States diplomats working on relations with the DPRK, and American researchers in humanities and technology. The paper concludes with the reasons of the Framework Agreements’ failure that led to the crises.

2013 Political Discussions in Foreign Affairs Committee of British Parliament on Iranian Nuclear Issue

The debate on Iran’s nuclear program in the Foreign Affairs Committee of the British Parliament, held in February 2013, in anticipation of the resumption of negotiations between Iran and the “six” of international mediators, is considered. Particular attention is paid to the position of experts invited to the meeting: representatives of academia, public organizations, military analysts. The high expert and analytical level of the meeting, which made it possible to develop effective political initiatives is noted. The most pressing issues raised during the parliamentary debates are considered. It was proved that both the deputies and the invited experts considered the further development of Tehran’s nuclear program dangerous. The authors dwell in detail on theways to resolve the Iranian nuclear problem, recommended by experts at a committee meeting: from increasing sanctions pressure to finding ways of a diplomatic settlement. The relevance of the study is due to the fact that the Iranian nuclear problem continues to be a toxic factor in the Middle East region. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the attempt is made to reveal the position of the British Parliament members and leading experts on Iranian foreign policy. It is concluded that the political position expressed by the deputies and experts in the parliament testified to the readiness of the parties to negotiate and develop a consensus on the Iranian nuclear program.

What's new in the "new" US course towards the DPRK?

The article analyzes the prospects for US-North Korean and inter-Korean relations, taking into account the completed policy review of the new US administration towards the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK), as well as the results of the President of the Republic of Korea Moon Jae-in’s trip to Washington in May 2021 and his talks with US President Joe Biden. It is concluded that the “new" course proposed by the United States in relation to the DPRK will not lead to a solution to the nuclear problem of the Korean Peninsula and will interfere with the normalization of inter-Korean relations. During his visit to the US President Moon failed to obtain the US consent on ROK more “independent policy” toward North Korea. In spite of lavish investments into US economy and other concessions, Seoul was forced to promise to coordinate his approaches to the DPRK with US and Japan and support US position on Taiwan straits and South China Sea. The author argues that in the current conditions, the introduction of a regime of arms limitation and arms control in Korea should be a necessary stage on the way to complete denuclearization of the peninsula. The transition to a such method of the settlement of the nuclear problem could lead to the resumption of the negotiation process, mutual concessions, including reductions in the level of military-political confrontation, partial or large-scale lifting of economic sanctions in exchange for North Korea's restrictions of its nuclear weapon and missile systems.

Present Status of Nuclear Shell-Model Calculations of 0νββ Decay Matrix Elements

Neutrinoless double beta (0νββ) decay searches are currently among the major foci of experimental physics. The observation of such a decay will have important implications in our understanding of the intrinsic nature of neutrinos and shed light on the limitations of the Standard Model. The rate of this process depends on both the unknown neutrino effective mass and the nuclear matrix element (M0ν) associated with the given 0νββ transition. The latter can only be provided by theoretical calculations, hence the need of accurate theoretical predictions of M0ν for the success of the experimental programs. This need drives the theoretical nuclear physics community to provide the most reliable calculations of M0ν. Among the various computational models adopted to solve the many-body nuclear problem, the shell model is widely considered as the basic framework of the microscopic description of the nucleus. Here, we review the most recent and advanced shell-model calculations of M0ν considering the light-neutrino-exchange channel for nuclei of experimental interest. We report the sensitivity of the theoretical calculations with respect to variations in the model spaces and the shell-model nuclear Hamiltonians.

Korean nuclear problem in 2019: challenges for the region and for Russia

Despite the détente of 2018, the situation remains tense on the Korean Peninsula. Although the United States of America and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea summits have become almost regular, the two countries struggle to move forward with practical diplomatic work of nuclear issue, and their relations slowly creep towards a new crisis. The aim of this study is to describe the state of affairs on denuclearization or autumn 2019 and offer solutions for political progress. Current negotiations on the Korean Peninsula nuclear problem are exclusively bilateral. As a result, the entire region’s security depends on the outcome of Pyongyang and Washington. At the same time, these two players have very disparate goals and, lacking mutual trust, rarely make concessions on principal issues. For almost the entire 2019 the slipping of real negotiations was accompanied by intensive protocol communication between the leaders of North Korea and the USA. Both parties seemingly realize that they will not be able to agree, but they do not want to proceed to an open conflict just yet. Given the situation, other regional countries first and foremost, Russia should not to remain indifferent observers and call for a switch to multilateralism to ensure equal access to constructing common security.