QUELQUES CHANGEMENTS PHONETIQUES DANS LES CONSONNES INITIALES DES DIALECTES GAN

1992 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-163
Author(s):  
Laurent Sagart

This article is a study of some of the sound changes which have affected the initial consonants in the Gan dialects. The changes are studied from the points of view of conditioning, geography, motivation and relative chronology. A distinction between northern and southern Gan is proposed.

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-43
Author(s):  
Agnes Korn

Abstract Old Persian shows a change of postconsonantal y, w to iy, uw, respectively. However, if one applies (pre-)Middle Persian sound changes to the Old Persian forms, the result is at variance with certain Middle Persian forms. If one were to assume a syncope reversing the Old Persian change of y, w to iy, uw, this would also affect old cases of iy, uw and likewise yield incorrect results for Middle Persian. The Old Persian change can thus not have operated in the prehistory of Middle Persian, and there is a dialectal difference between attested Old Persian and the later stages of the language, which is to be added to those already noted. The paper also discusses some sound changes that are connected to the Old Persian change in one way or the other. Cases in point are the processes called Epenthesis and Umlaut in previous scholarship, which this article suggests to interpret as occurring in different contexts and in different periods. The former is limited to Vry, which yields Vir and feeds into a monophthongisation that, as shown by some late Old Persian word forms, occurred within Achaemenid times, giving ēr and īr from ary and əry. Epenthesis did not occur in the prehistory of Parthian, whereas the monophthongisation did. The Appendix presents a tentative sequence of the processes discussed in this article, which is intended as a contribution to the relative chronology of Persian historical phonology.


Linguistica ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-114
Author(s):  
Matej Šekli

The analysis of Old Romance geographical names in early South Slavic confirms that the majority of late Proto-Slavic sound changes were still operative in the period of the earliest Old Romance-Slavic language contacts in the Balkan Peninsula and eastern Alps from the second half of the 6th century and the beginning of the 7th century onwards. Phonetic substitutions of the type Rom. *kE, *gE → Sl. *c, *ʒ (Balk. Rom. *Kersu → Sl. *Cersъ, Balk. Rom. *Gīla → Sl. *Ʒiĺa) and Rom. *auC → Sl. *ovC (Balk. Rom. *Laurentiu > *Laurenču → Sl. *Lovręčь) point to the fact that the first palatalization of velars as well as the monophthongization of the inherited diphthongs were no longer among the ongoing processes. All other late Proto-Slavic sound changes were either still operative or only took place after the borrowing. This is confirmed by the relative chronology of the following set of Romance-Slavic correspondences: simplification of consonant clusters: Rom. *ps → Sl. *s (Balk. Rom. *Apsaru → Sl. *Osorъ), development of prothetic consonants: Rom. *ū- → Sl. *uū- > *vy- (Alp. Rom. *Ūdẹnu → Sl. *(V)ydьnъ), simplification of j-clusters: Rom. *Ci → Sl. *Cʹ (Balk. Rom. *Arsia → Sl. *Orša), delabialization of *o after *r: Rom. *ro → Sl. *ry > *ri (Rom. *Roma → Sl. *Rymъ > *Rimъ), second regressive palatalization of velars (see above Sl. *Cersъ, *Ʒiĺa), rise of nasal vowels: Rom. *ENC, *ONC → Sl. *ęC, *ǫC (Balk. Rom. *Parentiu > *Parenču → Sl. *Poręčь, Balk. Rom. *Karantānu → Sl. *Korǫtanъ), progressive palatalization of velars: Rom. *Ek, *Eg → Sl. *c, *ʒ (Balk. Rom. *Longātẹku → Sl. *Lǫgatьcь), delabialization of *ū1 > *y: Rom. *ū/*o → Sl. *y (Balk. Rom. *Allūviu → Sl. *Olybъ), labialization of *a > *o: Rom. *a → Sl. *o (Balk. Rom. *Kapra → Sl. *Koprъ), vowel reduction of *i, *u > *ь, *ъ: Rom. *ẹ, *ọ → Sl. *ь, *ъ (Balk. Rom. *Kọrẹku → Sl. *Kъrьkъ, Balk. Rom. *Tọrre → Sl. *Tъrъ).


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 101-123
Author(s):  
Urmanchieva Anna Yu. ◽  

The article deals with the Nenets borrowings in the Ob-Ugric languages: Khanty and Mansi. The main list of these borrowings was compiled by Wolfgang Steinitz in a work published more than half a century ago. In the paper I focus on phonetic features of the borrowed words. These borrowings represent predominantly the cultural vocabulary and are geographically quite limited being presented only in the northern dialects of Mansi and Khanty. Despite of this many of these words retain very archaic features of Nenets phonetics. This allows us to consider linguistic contacts between the Ob-Ugrians and the Nenets as rather old. Consideration of the corpus of the borrowings also allows to shed some light on the relative chronology of historical sound changes in the Nenets language. In the paper all Nenets loans in Mansi and Khanty are compared with their possible sources in Tundra Nenets and in Forest Nenets. This comparison shows that in Forest Nenets a potential corresponding word is often missing or looks phonetically too different and therefore can not be regarded as the source of borrowing. Thus, the donor language was definitely the Tundra Nenets, and not the Forest Nenets language. Mansi and Khanty words borrowed from Tundra Nenets may reflect the following archaic features of Nenets historical phonetics: final vowels (before reduction into °); final consonants, changed into the glottal stop in modern Nenets; intervocalic -m-, changed into - w- in modern Nenets; final glide -w, disappeared in modern Nenets. All words borrowed in Ob-Ugric languages from Nenets can be divided in two groups with respect to these parameters: some of them definitely preserve a more archaic state of Nenets phonetics, whereas others are phonetically much closer to modern Nenets words. Another feature that allows to evaluate the relative age of borrowings is the labialization of vowels in Kazym Khanty and in Mansi: in earlier borrowings Nenets vowel a has changed in Kazym Khanty and Mansi into a labial vowel, whereas in later ones it has preserved its original quality.


1994 ◽  
Vol 62 ◽  
pp. 1-66 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Bettelli

THE CHRONOLOGY OF THE EARLY IRON AGE IN LATIUM AS REVEALED BY BURIAL DATAIn this paper the problem of the chronology of early Iron Age (ninth-eighth century BC) burials in Latium is considered. Since the beginning of the sixties many scholars have considered this problem from different points of view. Müller-Karpe suggested a relative chronology which, in general terms, is still in use. In recent years a considerable increase in the amount of archaeological evidence has made it necessary to revise the chronological sequence. It has been possible to design a table which associates graves with metal and pottery types. In this table Müller-Karpe's phases are divided into two subphases which are related to different stages in the development of the early Iron Age in the Italian peninsula. On the basis of this chronology it seems that use of the necropolis of the Forum ceased at the end of phase IIA1, with an early moving of burials of the Esquiline area.A short account is also given of the questions which relate to absolute chronology, and an attempt is made to relate the phases of the early Iron Age in Latium, and in the Italian peninsula in general, to recent dates proposed for the late Urnfield culture in central Europe.


Diachronica ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Vennemann

SUMMARY This paper studies systematic relationships between two sound changes, the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis. Since the High Germanic languages, i.e., High German and Lombardic, are a division of the West Germanic Sprachbund, it might be thought — and this is indeed the general view — that the more extensive West Germanic change necessarily antedates the more limited High Germanic change. But an examination of the relative chronology of the two changes in one of the languages that underwent both of them, Old High German, shows that, on the contrary, the systematic order of the two changes is the opposite: The better theory of the history of the Old High German phonological and morphological system is attained by the assumption that the High Germanic Consonant Shift antedates the West Germanic Anaptyxis. This result is in agreement with the author's overall theory of the Germanic Consonant Shifts by which the bifurcation of the Proto-Germanic tenues into the Low Germanic aspirates and the High Germanic affricates is one of the very oldest Germanic innovations. RÉSUMÉ L'article étudie les rapports systématiques entre deux changements phonétiques, à savoir celui de la mutation consonantique haut-germaine et celui de l'anaptyxis ouest-germaine. Comme les langues haut-germaines, i.e., le haut-allemand et le langobarde, représentent une division de l'union linguistique ouest-germaine, on pourra penser — et cela est en effet la position majoritaire — que le changement ouest-germain, étant le plus répandu, doit chronologiquement précéder le changement haut-germain plus restreint. Cependant, une examination de la chronologie relative dans une de ces langues qui a été sous-jettée à ces deux changements, i.e., le vieux haut-allemand, montre, au contraire, que l'ordre systématique de ces deux changements est opposé: On arrivera à une meilleure théorie de l'histoire du système phonologique et morphologique du vieux haut-allemand si'l on prend comme hypothèse que le changement consonantique du haut-germain précède chronologiquement l'ana-ptyxis ouest-germaine. Un tel résultat est en accord avec la théorie globale de l'auteur selon laquelle la bifurcation des occlusives proto-germain en aspirés bas-germains et affriqués haut-germains est une des plus vieilles innovations germaniques. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Artikel werden systematische Beziehungen zwischen zwei Laut-verânderungen untersucht, der Hochgermanischen Lautverschiebung und der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe. Da die hochgermanischen Sprachen, Hoch-deutsch und Langobardisch, eine Abteilung des westgermanischen Sprach-bundes bilden, liegt es nahe, anzunehmen, wie es auch der allgemeinen Auf-fassung entspricht, daß der weiter verbreitete westgermanische Wandel dem enger eingegrenzten hochgermanischen Wandel vorausgegangen sein müsse. Aber eine Untersuchung der relativen Chronologie der beiden Lautwandel im Althochdeutschen als einer derjenigen Sprachen, die beiden Veränderungen ausgesetzt waren, zeigt, daB die systematische Beziehung zwischen ihnen die genau entgegengesetzte ist: Man erhält die bessere Theorie der Geschichte des althochdeutschen Laut- und Formensystems, wenn man annimmt, daB die Hochgermanische Lautverschiebung der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe voraus-ging. Dieses Ergebnis steht im Einklang mit der ubergreifenden Lautverschie-bungstheorie des Autors, der zufolge die Verzweigung der urgermanischen Tenues in die niedergermanischen Aspiraten und die hochgermanischen Affrika-ten eine der allerâltesten germanischen Isoglossen gestiftet hat.


Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Glebov ◽  
◽  
Anton Dedyulkin ◽  

There are different points of view regarding the date of the appearance of the early Sarmatian archaeological culture of the 2nd – 1st centuries BC within the Lower Don region. However, most researches have been of the view that the Lower Don region and the Northeastern Black Sea region were developed by the Sarmatians relatively late, namely not earlier than the second half of the 2nd century BC. The main objective of this study is to define the date of the first appearance of the Sarmatians on the territory of the Don region based on the analysis of the archaeological data from Sarmatian and ancient archeology, as well as information from the literary and epigraphic sources. According to the scale of the relative chronology there is plenty of early monuments in the Sarmatian antiquities within the 2nd century BC. However, the number of chronological indicators in Sarmatian burials of this time horizon is relatively low. On the basis of the Rhodian amphora with stamps, black-glazed cantharoi and Megarian bowls, the date of the earliest complexes can be set within the second or third quarters of the 2nd century BC. The arrival of the Sarmatians had a general destabilizing effect on the situation in the Don region and the Northeastern Black Sea region. The destruction of settlements and the devastation of territories were recorded on the Bosporus. The city of Tanais in the Lower Don region was fortified in the second quarter of the 2nd century BC. The first reliable mentions of the Sarmatians in official documents are dated to the end of the first – the beginning of the second quarter of the 2nd century BC (the treaty is dated 179 BC, Delphic manumissions). Further the authors conclude that the first appearance of the Sarmatians in the Lower Don region and the Northeastern Black Sea region is associated with the movement of nomadic tribes as a result of the expansion of the Xiongnu state, formed at the end of the 3rd century BC, which reached the Russian southern steppes as a result of domino effect.


Author(s):  
T. Yanaka ◽  
K. Shirota

It is significant to note field aberrations (chromatic field aberration, coma, astigmatism and blurring due to curvature of field, defined by Glaser's aberration theory relative to the Blenden Freien System) of the objective lens in connection with the following three points of view; field aberrations increase as the resolution of the axial point improves by increasing the lens excitation (k2) and decreasing the half width value (d) of the axial lens field distribution; when one or all of the imaging lenses have axial imperfections such as beam deflection in image space by the asymmetrical magnetic leakage flux, the apparent axial point has field aberrations which prevent the theoretical resolution limit from being obtained.


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