The Relative Chronology of the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis

Diachronica ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 45-57 ◽  
Author(s):  
Theo Vennemann

SUMMARY This paper studies systematic relationships between two sound changes, the High Germanic Consonant Shift and the West Germanic Anaptyxis. Since the High Germanic languages, i.e., High German and Lombardic, are a division of the West Germanic Sprachbund, it might be thought — and this is indeed the general view — that the more extensive West Germanic change necessarily antedates the more limited High Germanic change. But an examination of the relative chronology of the two changes in one of the languages that underwent both of them, Old High German, shows that, on the contrary, the systematic order of the two changes is the opposite: The better theory of the history of the Old High German phonological and morphological system is attained by the assumption that the High Germanic Consonant Shift antedates the West Germanic Anaptyxis. This result is in agreement with the author's overall theory of the Germanic Consonant Shifts by which the bifurcation of the Proto-Germanic tenues into the Low Germanic aspirates and the High Germanic affricates is one of the very oldest Germanic innovations. RÉSUMÉ L'article étudie les rapports systématiques entre deux changements phonétiques, à savoir celui de la mutation consonantique haut-germaine et celui de l'anaptyxis ouest-germaine. Comme les langues haut-germaines, i.e., le haut-allemand et le langobarde, représentent une division de l'union linguistique ouest-germaine, on pourra penser — et cela est en effet la position majoritaire — que le changement ouest-germain, étant le plus répandu, doit chronologiquement précéder le changement haut-germain plus restreint. Cependant, une examination de la chronologie relative dans une de ces langues qui a été sous-jettée à ces deux changements, i.e., le vieux haut-allemand, montre, au contraire, que l'ordre systématique de ces deux changements est opposé: On arrivera à une meilleure théorie de l'histoire du système phonologique et morphologique du vieux haut-allemand si'l on prend comme hypothèse que le changement consonantique du haut-germain précède chronologiquement l'ana-ptyxis ouest-germaine. Un tel résultat est en accord avec la théorie globale de l'auteur selon laquelle la bifurcation des occlusives proto-germain en aspirés bas-germains et affriqués haut-germains est une des plus vieilles innovations germaniques. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG In diesem Artikel werden systematische Beziehungen zwischen zwei Laut-verânderungen untersucht, der Hochgermanischen Lautverschiebung und der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe. Da die hochgermanischen Sprachen, Hoch-deutsch und Langobardisch, eine Abteilung des westgermanischen Sprach-bundes bilden, liegt es nahe, anzunehmen, wie es auch der allgemeinen Auf-fassung entspricht, daß der weiter verbreitete westgermanische Wandel dem enger eingegrenzten hochgermanischen Wandel vorausgegangen sein müsse. Aber eine Untersuchung der relativen Chronologie der beiden Lautwandel im Althochdeutschen als einer derjenigen Sprachen, die beiden Veränderungen ausgesetzt waren, zeigt, daB die systematische Beziehung zwischen ihnen die genau entgegengesetzte ist: Man erhält die bessere Theorie der Geschichte des althochdeutschen Laut- und Formensystems, wenn man annimmt, daB die Hochgermanische Lautverschiebung der Westgermanischen Anaptyxe voraus-ging. Dieses Ergebnis steht im Einklang mit der ubergreifenden Lautverschie-bungstheorie des Autors, der zufolge die Verzweigung der urgermanischen Tenues in die niedergermanischen Aspiraten und die hochgermanischen Affrika-ten eine der allerâltesten germanischen Isoglossen gestiftet hat.

Author(s):  
Andriy Botsman ◽  
Olga Dmytruk

The purpose of this article is to give detailed description to all possible semantic and morphological features of Germanic preterite-present verbs. Some research has dealt with the problem of preterite-present present verbs; however, semantic and morphological functions of these verbs were studied only by singling out verb characteristics, peculiarities, potential possibilities in different Germanic languages without any alignment of the obtained results. There is little information available on preterite-present verbs within the west Germanic and North Germanic (Scandinavian) subgroups. Semantic aspect of these verbs was analysed by some scholars, but it is still unknown how these verbs were formed in other Indo-European languages (Baltic, Slavonic, Romantic). The contradicting point of the available research is how those verbs are reflected in Latin and Greek. In spite of the fact that preterite-present verbs were studied in detail in terms of phonological characteristics, their morphological and semantic peculiarities were not taken into account and compared. Special attention should be given to the functioning and correlation of phonological and morphological peculiarities of those verbs. This paper offers the results of a detailed and consistent analysis of phonological and morphological peculiarities of preterite-present verbs. The paper aims at determining the morphological characteristics of preterite-present verbs, which were formed under the influence of phonological processes. The purpose of this study was to investigate the connection of Germanic preterite-present verbs with possible sources in other Indo-European languages. The authors define a set of characteristics peculiar of preterite-present verbs semantics. The functions of these verbs are analysed in detail. The authors attempt to analyse the nature of these verbs. The attention is paid to the functions of preterite- present verbs not only in the Germanic languages, but in other Indo-European languages, too. The comparative historical method is used here as the main one. The authors see this valid way of investigation as reliable and appropriate for the preterite-present verb analysis.


1993 ◽  
Vol 22 ◽  
pp. 1-26 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alfred Wollman

It is a well-known fact that Old English is rich in Latin loan-words. Although the precise number is not yet known, it is a fairly safe assumption that there are at least 600 to 700 loan-words in Old English. This compares with 800 Latin loan-words borrowed in different periods in the Brittonic languages (Welsh, Cornish, Breton), and at least 500 early Latin loan-words common to the West Germanic languages. These rather vague overall numbers do not lend themselves, however, to a serious analysis of Latin influence on the Germanic and Celtic languages, because they include different periods of borrowing which are not really comparable to each other. The basis of these estimates, moreover, is often not stated very clearly. Although the establishment of a complete list of Latin loan-words in the various Germanic languages is a desideratum, it can only be achieved in a later stage of our studies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 349-369
Author(s):  
Jing Lin

This paper investigates three verbs expressing necessity in the three West Germanic languages: Dutchhoeven, Englishneed, and Germanbrauchen. These three verbs are all categorized as negative polarity items(npis). However, there are differences in their distribution as NPIs, which posit Germanbrauchenbetween Englishneedand Dutchhoeven.By analyzing two factors that may influence acquisition, namely, opacity and input frequency, this paper moreover presents a similar pattern for the acquisition of these NPIs: The Dutch NPIhoevenemerges earlier in child language than its German counterpart, which in turn arises earlier than the English NPIneed.


2007 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 135-146
Author(s):  
Anna Kamińska

This paper presents an example of a historical study based on comparable corpora. It aims to analyse and compare the distribution of different parts of speech in Old English and Old High German, thus providing a quantitative basis for further conclusions concerning different patterns of the development of those two West-Germanic languages. A particular attention has been devoted to the frequencies of prepositions and pronouns, as there are considerable differences between the languages in this respect. In addition, the article is a an attempt to show the importance and relevance of computational data for contrastive historical linguistics and their role in supporting or disproving traditional theories.


2017 ◽  
Vol 70 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-170 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugen Hill

Abstract The paper deals with two Germanic sound changes which are traditionally believed to postdate the disintegration of the Proto-Germanic parent language. The lengthening in several monosyllables, attested in West Germanic languages, is usually believed to be an innovation of this branch. The so-called Gothic breaking is similarly thought of as belonging exclusively to East Germanic. The paper shows that there is evidence suggesting a Proto-Germanic age for parts of both sound changes, in particular for a lengthening in monosyllabic words ending in PGmc *-r and for a lowering of PGmc *i if followed by *r. Proto-Germanic possessed at least three pronoun-based place adverbs formed with PGmc *-r, cf. Goth ƕar ‘where’ from ƕa- ‘what’, þar ‘there’ from þa- ‘that’ and hēr ‘here’ from hi- ‘this here’. The vocalism of these adverbs did not match that of the corresponding pronouns on two points. First, the vowels of the adverbs were probably long. Second, the close PGmc *ẹ̄ (Goth ē, OHG ia) of ‘here’ did not match PGmc *i in the corresponding pronoun. The paper assumes that the long vowels of the place adverbs emerged by a lengthening of etymologically short vowels in monosyllablic words ending in PGmc *-r. The timbre difference between PGmc *ẹ̄ in ‘here’ and PGmc *i in the corresponding pronoun for ‘this here’ is accounted for by a lowering of PGmc *i before *r. Both postulated developments must have been operating already in Proto-Germanic times but the lowering must have chronologically preceded the lengthening. The paper introduces the data supporting the assumptions made and discusses the apparent counterevidence.


2005 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAN-WOUTER ZWART

This programmatic article suggests that crucial aspects of syntactic change in the history of English derive from the resetting of a single parameter, the pied piping parameter. Whereas Old English (and the Modern Continental West Germanic languages) treats VP material individually, yielding characteristic patterns of object, particle, and verb placement, Modern English treats the VP as a collective, moving it to a position to the left of certain ‘low’ adverbs and adverbials. The shift from individual to collective movement is described in detail, with its repercussions on the position of the verb, its object(s), and the verbal particle. The emergence of a zero reflexive and the development of have as the exclusive perfect auxiliary are suggested to be long-term effects of the shift from individual to collective movement.


2005 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
THERESA BIBERAUER ◽  
IAN ROBERTS

This article presents a novel ‘Kaynian’ analysis of Old and Middle English (OE and ME) word-order patterns in terms of which the patterns attested at the various stages of OE and ME are analysed as the output of a single grammar which, however, permits restricted types of variation. We propose that the West Germanic-like OE word orders were derived via the application of two types of ‘large XP’ movement – VP raising to SpecvP and vP raising to SpecTP – which are in fact pied-piping operations: in both cases, a DP contained within VP and vP – the object and the subject respectively – constitutes the actual Goal of movement, with the larger structure simply being pied piped along. Orders unlike West Germanic in both OE and ME, and synchronic variation more generally, are shown to be derived from the side-by-side availability in the OE and ME grammar of pied piping and ‘stranding’, and the word-order changes that occurred in ME are analysed as the consequence of a reanalysis of the ever more liberal ‘stranding’-permitting pied-piping grammar as one which specifically targets DPs.


Diachronica ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 411-458 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugen Hill

This paper deals with one of the oldest and most controversial problems in the historical morphology of the Germanic branch of Indo-European: the origin and historical development of the so-called ‘weak preterite’. In Germanic, the weak preterite is the only means of forming the preterite tense of a derived verb. In spite of two hundred years of research into the weak preterite and a large number of hypotheses concerning its origin, it is not even securely established how the inflectional endings of this formation should be reconstructed for the common prehistory of the attested Germanic languages. Traditionally the inflectional endings of the weak preterite are conceived of as reflecting free inflectional forms of the verb “do”, only recently having been grammaticalized as inflectional morphology for derived verbs. But it has never been possible to identify the inflectional forms in question satisfactorily within the paradigm of “do”. This paper reconsiders the evidence of the Germanic daughter languages by taking into account West Germanic irregularities previously neglected or viewed as irrelevant. It is shown that the West Germanic evidence provides a key to understanding the origin and the later developments of the weak preterite inflectional endings.


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