Finite Verb Morphology in Kinnauri

1995 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anju SAXENA
Keyword(s):  
Semantic Interpretation ◽  
Inflectional Morphology ◽  
Language Group ◽  
Language Family ◽  
The West ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Descriptive Account ◽  
Morphological Distribution ◽  
Finite Verb

The Kinnauri language belongs to the West Himalayish language group, the most underdocumented subgroup of the Bodish branch of the Tibeto-Burman language family (DeLancey 1989). This paper presents a descriptive account of Kinnauri finite verb morphology, concentrating on the copula construction and the inflectional morphology of affirmative finite verbs; the paper further analyzes the morphological distribution as well as the semantic interpretation of various finite verb morphemes.

KORESPONDENSI FONEMIS ENAM KATA KERABAT BAHASA INDONESIA, BAHASA MELAYU KELANTAN, BAHASA MELAYU PATANI, DAN BAHASA SUNDA

Metahumaniora ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Wahya Wahya ◽  
Suhaila Arong
Keyword(s):  
Language Group ◽  
Language Family ◽  
Austronesian Language ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Rain Data ◽  
Bahasa Indonesia

AbstrakBahasa Indonesia, bahasa Melayu Kelantan, bahasa Melayu Patani, dan bahasa Sunda merupakan bahasa kerabat. Keempat bahasa tersebut termasuk rumpun bahasa Austronesia. Ketiga bahasa pertama, yaitu bahasa Indonesia, Melayu Kelantan, dan  Melayu Patani termasuk kelompok bahasa Melayu, sedangkan bahasa Sunda tidak termasuk bahasa Melayu. Bahasa Indonesia dan Sunda terdapat di Indonesia. Bahasa Melayu Kelantan terdapat di Malaysia. Bahasa Melayu Patani terdapat di Thailand. Sebagai bahasa kerabat rumpun Austronesia, keempat bahasa memiliki  kosakata  yang diwariskan dari bahasa yang lebih tua. Ciri-ciri adanya pewarisan tersebut dapat diamati pada kosakata yang memiliki persamaan atau kemiripan bentuk dan makna.  Masalah yang dibahas adalah korespondensi fonemis apa yang menunjukkan perbedaan kata kerabat yang diperoleh dari hasil membandingkan  kata kerabat pada enam glos dari empat bahasa sampel yang diteliti. Dalam tulisan ini diambil enam kata sampel bahasa Indonesia sebagai glos dari 200 glos kosakata dasar Swadesh, yaitu hapus,  hati, hidup, hijau, hitam, dan hujan. Data bersumber dari kamus dan informan. Dari hasil penelitian  terhadap kata kerabat untuk enam glos tersebut diperoleh sembilan perangkat korespondensi fonemis, yaitu (a)  /h ~ ø/ , (b) /s ~ h/, (c) /i ~ ɛ/, (d) /d ~ r/, (e) /p ~ k/, (f) /aw ~ a ~ ɔ/ , (g) /am ~ őŋ ~ ɛ/, dan (h) /-an ~ --ɛ/. Selanjutnya, setiap korespondensi fonemis tersebut menghasilkan pengelompokan bahasa yang memperlihatkan pemilik unsur bahasa yang terdapat pada korespondensi fonemis tersebut dan jika dilakukan rekonstruksi, pengelompokan bahasa tersebutmenunjukkan pencabangan dari bahasa yang lebih tua yang telah menurunkannya.Kata kunci: rumpun bahasa, kata kerabat, korespondensi fonemis, pewarisan. AbstractIndonesian, Kelantan Malay, Patani Malay, and Sundanese are kin languages. The four languages include the Austronesian language family. The first three languages, namely Indonesian, Kelantan Malay, and Patani Malay belong to the Malay language group, while Sundanese does not include Malay. Indonesian and Sundanese are found in Indonesia. Kelantan Malay is found in Malaysia. Patani Malay is found in Thailand. As the languages of relatives of Austronesian families, all four languages have vocabulary inherited from older languages. The characteristics of inheritance can be observed in vocabulary that has similarities or similarities in form and meaning. The problem discussed is the phonemic correspondence of what shows the difference in relative words obtained from the results of comparing relative words in the six glossos of the four sample languages studied. In this paper six Indonesian sample words are taken as glossos from 200 basic Swadesh vocabulary words, namely erase, heart, life, green, black, and rain. Data sourced from dictionaries and informants. From the results of research on the word relatives for the six glossos obtained nine phonemic correspondence sets, namely (a) / h ~ ø /, (b) / s ~ h /, (c) / i ~ ɛ /, (d) / d ~ r /, (e) / p ~ k /, (f) / aw ~ a ~ ɔ /, (g) / am ~ őŋ ~ ɛ /, and (h) / -an ~ --ɛ /. Furthermore, each phonemic correspondence results in a grouping of languages that shows the owner of the language elements contained in the phonemic correspondence and if a reconstruction is made, the grouping of languages shows the branching of older languages which has derived it.Keywords: language family, word relatives, phonemic correspondence, inheritance

Production of English Finite Verb Morphology

2001 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 165-178 ◽  
Author(s):  
Courtenay Frazier Norbury ◽  
Dorothy V. M. Bishop ◽  
Josie Briscoe
Keyword(s):  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Finite Verb

Central Cushitic

2020 ◽  
pp. 307-322
Author(s):  
Zelealem Leyew
Keyword(s):  
Geographical Distribution ◽  
Language Contact ◽  
Language Family ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Semitic Languages ◽  
The North ◽  
Separate Branch ◽  
Salient Features ◽  
Central Highlands

This chapter describes the Central Cushitic (hereafter CC) language family, one of four branches of Cushitic. CC, traditionally known as Agäw, contains four languages: Awŋi, Bilin, Kemantney, and Xamt’aŋa. Apart from Bilin, which is spoken in Eritrea, the CC languages are spoken in the central highlands of Ethiopia. The name CC was evidently given to Agäw on account of the geographical distribution of the North, South, East and the then West Cushitic (later Omotic) subgroups. The morphology, especially the verb morphology, identifies the CC languages as Cushitic, but they are classified as a separate branch of Cushitic on the basis of salient features exhibited in them. CC languages exhibit striking similarities in the lexicon, and due to longstanding language contact there exists much inter-influence with the Ethio-Semitic languages. These and other linguistic properties of CC are discussed in this chapter.

scholarly journals On correlation between the emergence of finite verbs and the development of utterances in Russian and German

2004 ◽  
Vol 33 ◽  
pp. 13-38
Author(s):  
Natalia Vladimirovna Gagarina ◽  
Dagmar Bittner
Keyword(s):  
Temporal Order ◽  
Strongly Correlated ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Verb Inflection ◽  
Verb Forms ◽  
German Child ◽  
Finite Verb

The study examines the hypotheses that the acquisition of the finite verb is an indispensable and linking constituent of the development of SVO utterances. Four apparently separate or at least separable processes are analysed over 6 months in one Russian and one German child: a) the emergence of verbs in the child’s utterances, b) the occurrence of correctly inflected (finite) verb forms, c) the development of multi-component utterances containing a verb, and c) the emergence of (potential) subjects and objects. Russian and German exhibit rich verb morphology, and in both languages finiteness is strongly correlated with inflectional categories like person, number and tense. With both children we find a correlation in the temporal order of these four processes and – what is more relevant for our study – a dependency of a certain development on the utterance level on the emergence of finite verbs. Further, our investigation shows that language-specific development comes in to play already when children start to acquire verb inflection and becomes more contrastive when we observe the onset of the production of the SVO utterances.  

Morphology in Dene-Yeniseian Languages

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward Vajda
Keyword(s):  
North America ◽  
Language Contact ◽  
Language Change ◽  
American Southwest ◽  
Comparative Linguistics ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Contact Linguistics ◽  
The Individual ◽  
Northwestern North America ◽  
Finite Verb

Dene-Yeniseian is a putative family consisting of two branches: Yeniseian in central Siberia and Na-Dene (Tlingit-Eyak-Athabaskan) in northwestern North America. Yeniseian contains a single living representative, Ket, as well as the extinct Yugh, Kott, Assan, Arin, and Pumpokol languages. Na-Dene contains Tlingit, spoken mainly in the Alaskan Panhandle, and a second branch divided equidistantly between the recently extinct Eyak language of coastal Alaska and the widespread Athabaskan subfamily, which originally contained more than 40 distinct languages, some now extinct. Athabaskan was once spoken throughout interior Alaska (Dena’ina, Koyukon) and most of northwestern Canada (Slave, Witsuwit’en, Tsuut’ina), with enclaves in California (Hupa), Oregon (Tolowa), Washington (Kwalhioqua-Clatskanie), and the American Southwest (Navajo, Apache). Both families are typologically unusual in having a strongly prefixing verb and nominal possessive prefixes, but postpositions rather than prepositions. The finite verb arose from the amalgamation of an auxiliary and a main verb, both with its own agreement prefixes and tense-mood-aspect suffixes, creating a rigid, mostly prefixing template. The word-final suffixes largely elided in Yeniseian but merged with the ancient verb root in Na-Dene to create a series of allophones called stem sets. Na-Dene innovated a unique complex of verb prefixes called “classifiers” on the basis of certain inherited agreement and tense-mood-aspect markers; all of these morphemes have cognates in Yeniseian, where they did not innovate into a single complex. Metathesis and reanalysis of old morphological material is quite prevalent in the most ancient core verb morphology of both families, while new prefixal or suffixal slots added onto the verb’s periphery represent innovations that distinguish the individual daughter branches within each family. Other shared Dene-Yeniseian morphology includes possessive constructions, directional words, and an intricate formula for deriving action nominals from finite verb stems. Yeniseian languages have been strongly affected by the exclusively suffixing languages brought north to Siberia by reindeer breeders during the past two millennia. In modern Ket the originally prefixing verb has largely become suffixing, and possessive prefixes have evolved into clitics that prefer to attach to any available preceding word. Na-Dene languages were likewise influenced by traits prevalent across the Americas. Athabaskan, for example, developed a system of obviation in third-person agreement marking and elaborated an array of distinct verb forms reflecting the shape, animacy, number, or consistency of transitive object or intransitive subject. Features motivated by language contact differ between Tlingit, Eyak, and Athabaskan, suggesting they arose after the breakup of Na-Dene, as the various branches spread across northwestern North America. The study of Dene-Yeniseian morphology contributes to historical-comparative linguistics, contact linguistics, and also to the diachronic study of complex morphology. In particular, comparing Yeniseian and Na-Dene verb structure reveals the prominence of metathesis and reanalysis in processes of language change. Dene-Yeniseian is noteworthy not only for its wide geographic spread and for the effects of language contact on each separate family, but also for the opportunity to trace the evolution of uncommon morphological structures.

General converbs in Andi

2019 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 195-230
Author(s):  
Samira Verhees
Keyword(s):  
Language Family ◽  
Additive Particle ◽  
Finite Verb

Abstract This paper describes the semantic and morphosyntactic properties of general converb constructions in Andi, a language of the Avar-Andic group of the East Caucasian language family. There are two general converbs in Andi, both of which are homophonous with a finite verb form (the aorist and the perfect, respectively). There is a considerable functional overlap between the two converbs. Both can be used to render the first stage of a complex event. The perfect / converb can also specify manner. An additive particle lo often accompanies the perfect as converb, while a specialised particle lodːu appears with the aorist as converb. The situation in Andi is unusual, because the two converbs are functionally very similar and not opposed in terms of aspect. In addition, Andi seems to be the only East Caucasian language where a specialised particle (i.e. lodːu) is found in this type of converbal clauses.

Specific Language Impairment and Grammatical Morphology

1998 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 1185-1192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa M. Bedore ◽  
Laurence B. Leonard
Keyword(s):  
Language Impairment ◽  
Specific Language Impairment ◽  
Function Analysis ◽  
Preschool Age ◽  
Typically Developing ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Specific Language ◽  
Two Samples ◽  
Mean Length Of Utterance ◽  
Finite Verb

Discriminant function analysis was employed to determine if grammatical morpheme production could be used to classify preschool-age children with specific language impairment (SLI) and children with typically developing language skills. Three variables were included in the discriminant analysis: a finite verb morpheme composite, a noun morpheme composite, and mean length of utterance in morphemes. The children with SLI and age-matched controls were discriminated with high levels of accuracy, though the three variables did not yield identical classifications. Across two samples of typically developing children and children with SLI, the verb morpheme composite showed sensitivity exceeding 85% and specificity of 100%. In light of these results and growing evidence that problems with finite verb morphology continue into the school years in children with SLI, the verb morpheme composite was considered to hold promise as a clinical marker for SLI.

Grammatical Morphology and the Lexicon in Children With Specific Language Impairment

1999 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-689 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laurence B. Leonard ◽  
Carol Miller ◽  
Erika Gerber
Keyword(s):  
Language Impairment ◽  
Specific Language Impairment ◽  
Preschool Age ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Lexical Diversity ◽  
Specific Language ◽  
Grammatical Morphology ◽  
English Speaking ◽  
Related Morphology ◽  
Finite Verb

We examined the use of grammatical morphology by preschool-age English-speaking children with specific language impairment (SLI) as a function of their lexical diversity. Relative to a group of normally developing (ND) preschoolers, these children's use of finite-verb morphology lagged behind expectations based on the number of different verbs they used. Noun-related morphology fell below expectations based on overall lexical diversity. Differences between the ND children and children with SLI were also seen for the slope of the increases in finite-verb morphology as a function of lexical diversity, with shallower slopes in the SLI data. The findings of this study add to existing evidence suggesting that a measure of finite grammatical-morphology use has promise as a clinical marker of SLI in English.

Predicting tense: finite verb morphology and subject pronouns in the speech of typically-developing children and children with specific language impairment

2004 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
MONIQUE J. CHAREST ◽  
LAURENCE B. LEONARD
Keyword(s):  
Language Impairment ◽  
Specific Language Impairment ◽  
Typically Developing ◽  
Verb Morphology ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Specific Language ◽  
Subject Pronouns ◽  
Third Person ◽  
Subject Pronoun ◽  
Finite Verb

According to the AGREEMENT/TENSE (Agr/Tns) OMISSION MODEL, children's failure to produce finite verb morphemes represents the selection of an optional infinitive form, in which tense and/or agreement is not specified. When agreement is specified, nominative case is licensed. Following the assumptions of this model, a child's utterance such as She run reflects a failure to specify tense only, given that the subject pronoun shows nominative case. We tested this assumption in two studies through the analysis of spontaneous speech samples from young typically-developing (TD) children and children with specific language impairment (SLI). In Study 1, 15 children were included (TD aged 2;1–3;11, SLI aged 4;0–6;2); in Study 2, 33 children were included (TD aged 2;5–3;11, SLI aged 3;6–6;9). We determined whether there was a relationship between the children's use of past tense -ed and their use of third person singular -s and copula is when nominative case was also used. Because nominative case was used, any failures to produce third person singular -s and copula is should be attributable to tense and not agreement. Such use should therefore be related to the children's use of -ed which presumably hinges on tense only. However, a relationship was not found in the speech of either group of children. This was true both for the children in each group who were consistent in using nominative case pronouns and for those who were not. Possible reasons for these findings are discussed.

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