scholarly journals Recognition and Redistribution in Aristotle’s Account of Stasis

2022 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
Douglas Cairns ◽  
Mirko Canevaro ◽  
Kleanthis Mantzouranis
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Individual Group ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Fundamental Causes ◽  
Fair Distribution

Abstract In Politics 5.1–3, Aristotle sees different conceptions of proportional equality and justice as the fundamental causes of stasis and metabolē (constitutional change). His account shows what happens to notions of ‘particular’ justice when they become causes of individual and collective action in pursuit of moral and political revolution. The whole discussion of the causes of stasis should be read through the filter of individual/group motivation – as a reflection of what goes on in the heads of those who engage in stasis. Movements towards political change are motivated by ingrained conceptions of proportional equality and fair distribution of honour and wealth. Aristotle’s approach, therefore, may be compared to Axel Honneth’s, that social justice should be seen in terms of the distribution of dignity and respect as well as of material resources.

scholarly journals Hope, Solidarity, and Justice

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Katie Stockdale
Keyword(s):  
Social Movements ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Recent Literature ◽  
Individual Group ◽  
Group Members ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Collective Intentions

This article defends an account of collective hope that arises through solidarity in the pursuit of justice. I begin by reviewing recent literature on the nature of hope. I then explore the relationship between hope and solidarity to demonstrate the ways in which solidarity can give rise to hope. I suggest that the hope born of solidarity is collective when it is shared by at least some others, when it is caused or strengthened by activity in a collective action setting, and when the reciprocal hopeful expressions of individual group members result in an emotional atmosphere of hope that extends across the group. In the context of social movements, collective hope emerges alongside the collective intentions and actions of the solidarity group; namely, in the pursuit of a form of social justice that inspires the movement. I then suggest that the object of collective hope born of solidarity is the guiding ideal of justice and reflect on what it might mean to hope well for justice.

There Is No Unity, Only Politics: A Reply to Kurtz

2020 ◽  
pp. 216747952098188
Author(s):  
Michael L. Butterworth
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Social Differences ◽  
Original Argument

Jeff Kurtz offers a substantive response to my essay, “Sport and the Quest for Unity.” Although he takes seriously my claims that “unity” is too often used within sports as a rhetorical means for eliding important cultural, political, and social differences, he also responds by suggesting that I tacitly endorse claims to unity when made on behalf of social justice causes. Moreover, he contends that the unity modeled by social justice advocates is “suffocating” and thus stifles legitimate differences among and between those who would seek political change. I reply in this essay by clarifying what I think is a misreading of my original argument. More importantly, I point to potential consequences of Kurtz’s argument, which I maintain over-reads the degree to which unity has been performed and implies a false equivalency between institutional forms of power and those making the case of justice.

Self-Undermining Rhetoric in the Past and Present

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam Seth Levine
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Policy Change ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Full Range ◽  
Economic Insecurity ◽  
The Past ◽  
Broad Concept ◽  
The Face

This chapter considers the prospects for political change in the face of communicative barriers to collective action. It begins to address this question by identifying several of the most well-known historical and recent moments in which there was large-scale mobilization on some economic insecurity issues. This discussion, in concert with the empirical findings in this book, helps clarify the prospects for political action (and policy change) on these issues. The chapter then uses the findings from the book to identify three types of people that are most likely to become active. It also talks about the implications of having this (narrower) set of people active as opposed to the full range of people that find the issues to be important. It concludes by reiterating how self-undermining rhetoric is a broad concept that can apply in many different situations beyond those considered herein.

Collective Action and Political Change: Public and Semipublic Strategies of Brazilian Rural Movements (1990s–2017)

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Priscila Delgado de Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

A study of the Brazilian Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores during recent moments of regime change suggests two main strategies for understanding the impacts of political change on social movement action: assessing the degree of political proximity between activists and the government and the presence or absence of institutional venues for interaction and looking beyond the public expressions of contention to consider semipublic action. When there is political proximity the public activities of movements tend to be less contentious, and when there are institutional venues for interaction protests will be routinized rather than disruptive. When proximity is lacking activists are likely to perform disruptive protests and to give priority to disputing meanings within society and within their own constituencies. Um estudo do Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores do Brasil durante momentos recentes de mudança de regime sugere duas estratégias principais para entender os impactos das mudanças políticas na ação do movimento social: avaliar o grau de proximidade política entre ativistas e o governo e a presença ou ausência de espaços institucionais para interação e olhar além das expressões públicas de discórdia para considerar a ação semipública. Quando há proximidade política, as atividades públicas dos movimentos tendem a ser menos contenciosas e, quando existem canais institucionais para interação, tende-se a rotinas de protestos pouco disruptivos. Quando falta proximidade, é provável que os ativistas dêem prioridade a protestos disruptivos e a disputas de significados na sociedade e dentro de seus próprios quadros.

Mechanisms and Consequences of Professional Marginality: The Case of Poverty Lawyers Revisited

2011 ◽  
Vol 36 (04) ◽  
pp. 919-944 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marina Zaloznaya ◽  
Laura Beth Nielsen
Keyword(s):  
Social Justice ◽  
Partial Replication ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Legal Aid ◽  
Material Resources ◽  
Time Poverty ◽  
Social Justice Orientation ◽  
Emotional Detachment ◽  
Reform Litigation ◽  
Over Time

A partial replication of Jack Katz's (1982) Poor People's Lawyers in Transition, this article explores the manifestations and consequences of professional marginality of legal aid lawyers. Based on thirty-five interviews with poverty attorneys and interns in Chicago, the authors show that scarce material resources and unclear expectations continue to give rise to the marginalization of this segment of the legal profession. The authors analyzed ideological, task, status, and material dimensions of attorneys' professional marginality. With no access to reform litigation, central to the legal aid “culture of significance” in the 1970s, present-day poverty lawyers seek new ways to cope with marginality. The authors argue that these lawyers' coping strategies have many negative consequences. Thus, over time, poverty lawyers' deep engagement with clients, ideals of empowerment, and social justice orientation give way to emotional detachment, complacency, and an emphasis on “making do” within the constraints of the system.

Xi will ward off internal threats

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Leadership Style ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
Xi Jinping ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Authoritarian Leadership ◽  
Regime Stability

Subject Regime stability in China. Significance The autocratic and authoritarian leadership style of President Xi Jinping has prompted speculation that China may be headed for some sudden unconstitutional political change as opponents of his 'power grabs' or victims of his purges unite to challenge him, or discontent at the grassroots boils over. Impacts Resistance to some of Xi's policies will still be significant, though his position as leader is not in danger. The Party's intolerance of dissent and popular discontent is a symptom of fear, but not necessarily of weakness. The Party remains the most likely midwife for constitutional change if Xi is unable to govern.

scholarly journals Regime cycles and political change in African autocracies

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-437
Author(s):  
Andrea Carboni ◽  
Clionadh Raleigh
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Regime Shifts ◽  
Potential Success

ABSTRACTThis article applies a regime cycle framework to understand patterns of change and continuity in African competitive autocracies. We observe that regime change in African autocracies is rarely the result of actions carried out by rebels, opposition leaders or popular masses substantially altering the structure of power. Instead, they are more frequently carried out by senior regime cadres, resulting in controlled reshuffles of power. We argue that such regime shifts are best explained through a cyclical logic of elite collective action consisting of accommodation and consolidation, and ultimately leading to fragmentation and crisis. These dynamics indicate the stage of leader-elite relationships at a given time, and suggest when regimes may likely expand, contract, purge and fracture. We argue that, by acknowledging in which stage of the cycle a regime and its senior elites are dominant, we can gauge the likelihood as well as the potential success of a regime change. Our framework is finally applied to understand recent regime shifts in competitive autocracies across Africa.

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