Collective Action and Political Change: Public and Semipublic Strategies of Brazilian Rural Movements (1990s–2017)

2020 ◽  
Vol 47 (5) ◽  
pp. 113-130
Author(s):  
Priscila Delgado de Carvalho
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government

A study of the Brazilian Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores during recent moments of regime change suggests two main strategies for understanding the impacts of political change on social movement action: assessing the degree of political proximity between activists and the government and the presence or absence of institutional venues for interaction and looking beyond the public expressions of contention to consider semipublic action. When there is political proximity the public activities of movements tend to be less contentious, and when there are institutional venues for interaction protests will be routinized rather than disruptive. When proximity is lacking activists are likely to perform disruptive protests and to give priority to disputing meanings within society and within their own constituencies. Um estudo do Movimento dos Pequenos Agricultores do Brasil durante momentos recentes de mudança de regime sugere duas estratégias principais para entender os impactos das mudanças políticas na ação do movimento social: avaliar o grau de proximidade política entre ativistas e o governo e a presença ou ausência de espaços institucionais para interação e olhar além das expressões públicas de discórdia para considerar a ação semipública. Quando há proximidade política, as atividades públicas dos movimentos tendem a ser menos contenciosas e, quando existem canais institucionais para interação, tende-se a rotinas de protestos pouco disruptivos. Quando falta proximidade, é provável que os ativistas dêem prioridade a protestos disruptivos e a disputas de significados na sociedade e dentro de seus próprios quadros.

scholarly journals Public Distrust and Environmental Citizenship: Primary Impetuses of Radical Protest in Bima District, 2011-2012

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 187
Author(s):  
Rahmad Hidayat
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Environmental Governance ◽  
Agricultural Land ◽  
Social Protest ◽  
The Public ◽  
Low Level ◽  
Environmental Citizenship ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

This article aims to show how the social movement was conducted in the framework of claiming a number of aspects of citizenship, especially environmental rights and political participation, to the local government. The refusal of FRAT Bima over the extractive policy of the Government of Bima District during 2011-2012 becomes a reflective context of the type of social movement with such a framework. This social protest should be explored further because it used acts of vandalism on some public facilities as the chosen way to fight against the environmental and political injustices. Through a case study, the author aims to explore the sequence of repertoires which were applied sequentially by FRAT Bima’s social protest as well as to examine its linkage with environmental citizenship and public distrust. Despite being closely related to citizens' awareness about environmental citizenship, the occurrence of this anarchist movement was also triggered by the low level of "formal legitimacy" of the local government as a seed of public distrust towards the intentions of environmental governance policy that was about to be applied to make the agricultural land owned by villagers as the site of a certain project of mineral extraction. The lack of the government’s formal legitimacy, which was supported by the growing awareness of environmental citizenship, has led the sequential application of conventional and non-conventional strategies in the demands articulation of FRAT Bima. This sequence of repertoires was held due to the low-level of government's responsiveness in accommodating the public claims about the cancellation of an undemocratic environmental policy.

Collective conflict in the public sector in France

2002 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 688-700
Author(s):  
Marie-Armelle Souriac
Keyword(s):  
Public Sector ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Collective Bargaining ◽  
Legal Regulation ◽  
Public Enterprises ◽  
Roles And Responsibilities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The right to strike has been recognised in France, even as a right guaranteed by the Constitution, since 1946. Strikes in the public sector are subject to specific legal regulation, including requirements for minimum notice periods and, in some circumstances, minimum service requirements. This contribution examines these special legal features of public-sector strikes. It is necessary to clarify the respective roles and responsibilities of the management of public enterprises (or administrative authorities) and the government. The article also considers alternative (and new) forms of collective action and agreements. In the future there may well be even greater scope for the regulation of strikes to be covered by collective bargaining.

scholarly journals Social Networks and Civic Mobilizations (Portugal, 2012)

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (s2) ◽  
pp. 49-57
Author(s):  
Isabel Babo ◽  
Célia Taborda Silva
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Conceptual Framework ◽  
Public Space ◽  
International Level ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Public ◽  
Public Action ◽  
Common Space

Abstract In Portugal, in 2012, the movement “To hell with troika! We want our lives!” emerged from digital social networks and with demonstration on the street on September 15. This social movement has patented new forms of public mobilization and protest motivated by citizens' dissatisfaction with the austerity measures of the Portuguese government, but it is part of the line of protest that has been taking place at the international level. Social networks were used to trigger mobilization, but the protest did not dispense with the traditional forms of expression in the public space, such as gatherings in the squares, rallies, marches and posters. Using a corpus taken from the written press, the event was analyzed using a theoretical and conceptual framework of theories of public space, social movements, and social networks. In this article we intend to reflect on the current protest movements, social networks and collective action, at a time when activism is exercised in electronic connections and in the street. Through this movement we aim to question whether we are facing new configurations of mobilization, visibility, public action and the creation of a common space, and / or if we are facing a continuity of the traditional social movement with the incorporation of new "repertoires of action".

scholarly journals Regime cycles and political change in African autocracies

2021 ◽  
Vol 59 (4) ◽  
pp. 415-437
Author(s):  
Andrea Carboni ◽  
Clionadh Raleigh
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Regime Shifts ◽  
Potential Success

ABSTRACTThis article applies a regime cycle framework to understand patterns of change and continuity in African competitive autocracies. We observe that regime change in African autocracies is rarely the result of actions carried out by rebels, opposition leaders or popular masses substantially altering the structure of power. Instead, they are more frequently carried out by senior regime cadres, resulting in controlled reshuffles of power. We argue that such regime shifts are best explained through a cyclical logic of elite collective action consisting of accommodation and consolidation, and ultimately leading to fragmentation and crisis. These dynamics indicate the stage of leader-elite relationships at a given time, and suggest when regimes may likely expand, contract, purge and fracture. We argue that, by acknowledging in which stage of the cycle a regime and its senior elites are dominant, we can gauge the likelihood as well as the potential success of a regime change. Our framework is finally applied to understand recent regime shifts in competitive autocracies across Africa.

scholarly journals GERAKAN SOSIAL DAN PERUBAHAN KEBIJAKAN PUBLIK Kasus Perlawanan Masyarakat Batak vs PT. Inti Indorayon Utama,di Porsea, Sumatera Utara

Populasi ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimpos Manulu
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Government Policy ◽  
Publishing Research ◽  
The Public ◽  
The People ◽  
The Government ◽  
People Movement ◽  
North Sumatra

A case study which comprehensively elaborated the role of Porsea people movement and its surrounding to urge the present of government policy and decision series, considering with the establishment of PT. Inti Indorayon Utama in Porsea, Toba Samosir, North Sumatra. Data collecting was through literary works, institutional publishing, research documents, chronology, contact report and investigation, news clipping, letters, press release and statement, and last but not least was the participative observation and deep interview. Afterwards, the data was analyzed and interpreted with reference to social movement theories and their relationship with the public policy change. The finding of this research reveals that there has been no single factor or certain theoretical approach monopoly in explaining social movement comprehensively. The movement also has shown up two contributions all at once: trigging and influencing the government newly released policies and stimulating the company's new management to be more active in serving and developing the surrounding people. Both of these were possible to happen because of the people movement, without great expectancy to the complex and distortive state actors parliament and bureaucracy.

scholarly journals Transparency, Protest, and Autocratic Instability

2015 ◽  
Vol 109 (4) ◽  
pp. 764-784 ◽  
Author(s):  
JAMES R. HOLLYER ◽  
B. PETER ROSENDORFF ◽  
JAMES RAYMOND VREELAND
Keyword(s):  
Theoretical Model ◽  
Collective Action ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Specific Form ◽  
Belief Formation ◽  
Economic Data ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
Mass Protest

The collapse of autocratic regimes is often brought about through large-scale mobilization and collective action by elements of the populace. The willingness of any given member of the public to participate in actions such as strikes and protests is contingent upon her beliefs about others’ willingness to similarly mobilize. In this article, we examine the effect of a specific form of transparency—the disclosure of economic data by the government—on citizen belief formation, and consequently on collective mobilization. We present a theoretical model in which, under autocratic rule, transparency increases the frequency of protests, and increases the extent to which protest is correlated with incumbent performance. We find empirical support for these claims. Transparency destabilizes autocracies via mass protest.

scholarly journals ¡Abajo las oligarquias! Protestas contra el alza de las tarifas del transporte en Bogotá (1959)

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
José Abelardo Díaz Jaramillo
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Social Movement ◽  
Urban Transportation ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
Political Opportunities ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Government

El artículo estudia las movilizaciones que se registraron en Bogotá en 1959, como reacción al alza de la tarifa del transporte urbano, decretada por el gobierno de Alberto Lleras Camargo. Acudiendo a los aportes del sociólogo Sydney Tarrow acerca de la acción colectiva, se sostendrá que en la coyuntura referida se originó un movimiento social que abrió un marco de oportunidades políticas que permitieron a distintos actores sociales hacer cuestionamientos tanto a la medida alcista como al recién estrenado Frente Nacional. Para la reconstrucción del suceso nos apoyamos en informes oficiales y en la prensa de la época. Palabras claves: Bogotá, alza de las tarifas del transporte, protesta, movimiento social. *******************************************************************Down with the oligarchs!Riots against the increase of the rates of the transport in Bogota (1959) Abstract: The article studies the mobilizations that took place in Bogotá in 1959, as a reaction to the rise in the urban transportation rate decreed by the government of Alberto Lleras Camargo. Going to the contributions of the sociologist Sydney Tarrow on collective action, it will be argued that in the referred conjuncture, a social movement originated that opened a framework of political opportunities that allowed different social actors to question both the bullish and newly released measures Frente Nacional. For the reconstruction of the event we rely on official reports and the press of the time.  Keywords: Bogotá, rise in transport rates, riot, social movement. *************************************************************************Abaixo as oligarquias!Protestos contra o reajuste nas tarifas de transporte em Bogotá, 1959 ResumoO artigo estuda os protestos que tiveram lugar na Bogotá de 1959, quando o governo de Alberto Lleras Camargo decretou um aumento das tarifas do transporte urbano. Na reconstrução do sucesso são usados como fontes tanto jornais da época como informes oficiais. A partir dos aportes teóricos do sociólogo Sydney Tarrow sobre a ação coletiva, salienta-se que essa conjuntura originou um movimento social que abriu um marco de oportunidades políticas de crítica e questionamentos não só referidos ao reajuste do transporte, mas ao Frente Nacional.Palavras chave: Bogotá, reajuste de tarifas de transporte, protesto, movimento social. 

scholarly journals The Collaborative Management Model on Developing the Infrastructure of the Pomalaa’s Airport, Indonesia

2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Abdul Sabaruddin
Keyword(s):  
Collective Action ◽  
Management Model ◽  
Collaborative Management ◽  
Infrastructure Development ◽  
Construction Process ◽  
New Approach ◽  
Data Presentation ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

Collaborative management of public sector is being introduced as a new approach to solve the problems which is mainly on the restrictiveness of bureaucracy in answering such public demand. Therefore, collaboration approach presents new actors out of the government in processing the public sectors. The relationship among actors in its collaboration is well developed through consensus to gain valuable decision to all. Based on the problems mentioned, this study focuses on the model of collaborative management on developing the infrastructure of an airport. To answer the objective of the study, therefore, this research applied qualitative approach in which the respondents are those who were being involved in construction process of the airport. The data gained from interview will be analysed through interactive model consisting of some procedures; data reduction, data presentation, verification of the data/ drawing conclusion. The result showed that collaborative management model in infrastructure development of the airport was a management model, in this case collective action based on the principle of synergetic participation. In this context, there was no single actor on the development of infrastructure of the airport. Through collective action, the related aspects, in this case the development of infrastructure, was transparently communicated to avoid miscommunication among the members. Therefore, the actors which were being involved on the collaboration bore the needs reasonably and also there was no such member who were being burden. Thus, the implication of collaboration based on the consensus, the collaboration on the development of infrastructure of the airport is on the basis of participative, which pointed out the appointment and the continuation of the development.

scholarly journals Centralization efforts in the transformation of the Hungarian local government system

2021 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 295-311
Author(s):  
Atila Bado
Keyword(s):  
Local Government ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Local Governments ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
Considerable Degree ◽  
Democratic Ideal ◽  
Administration System ◽  
The Public ◽  
Fundamental Law ◽  
The Government

Following a change of government in 2010, the Hungarian local government system underwent a period of significant transformation. The question of how it is viewed and the effects it may have are currently being debated. However, the fact that 2011 saw a reform of a more than a 20-year-old unyielding system seems difficult to argue with. Laced with the democratic ideal of self-government, the Hungarian regime change of 1989 resulted in a fragmented local government system with a considerable degree of management authority. The local government model opted for by Hungary, which can indeed be dubbed as the champion of decentralisation, could function uninterruptedly until 2010 with minor adjustments. The centralising effort of the government had already become clear beyond a shadow of a doubt before the adoption of the Cardinal Act or the Fundamental Law (2011) itself. The reorganisation of territorial public administration was the first series of measures which allowed to make inferences about the public administration system and the forthcoming centralisation of local governments.

scholarly journals Identitas Agama dan Pola Gerakan Sosial (Studi Kasus Front Pembela Islam Di Kota Palembang)

1970 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-60
Author(s):  
Rendi Ariansyah ◽  
Masyhur Masyhur
Keyword(s):  
Social Movement ◽  
Religious Identity ◽  
Islamic Law ◽  
Movement Pattern ◽  
Social Activities ◽  
Religious Activities ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The City

The title of this research is "Religious Identity and Social Movement Pattern (Case Study of Islamic Defenders Front in Palembang City)". This study examines the pattern of FPI social movements in the city of Palembang in upholding Amar Ma'ruf Nahi Munkar and the impact of the use of the religious identity. This paper parses and discusses how the FPI in eradicating immoral place (Controling) and other social activities carried out by the Islamic Defenders Front in the city of Palembang and how the impact of the use of religious identity on the FPI social movement in the city of Palembang.  The method used in this study is a qualitative method that is the method of field research. In this study there are two sources of data, namely primary data and secondary data sources. Data collection techniques through observation, interviews, documentation and data were analyzed descriptively qualitatively. Determination of informants in research carried out in a manner that has been determined. The informants chosen in this study were the Chairperson of Palembang City FPI, Palembang City FPI Secretary and Palembang City FPI Secretary General Wing.  The findings obtained from this study include, first, the pattern of field action used by the Islamic Defenders Front is controling immoral places. Islamic Defenders Front usually do after getting reports from the public and of course follow the procedures that have been determined by the standard procedures of FPI. Secondly, the pattern of the FPI movement in religious activities that is, conducting Majlis Ta'lim or Tabligh Akbar from mosques, especially in the Daarul Muttaqin mosque, is carried out every Saturday night. Then the routine recitation of the FPI maracas every evening Friday, and open preaching training in the city of Palembang, so the organization's religious activities are open to the public. Third, the pattern of the FPI movement in social activities that is, in the field of education FPI provides education in a strict manner especially religious education, such as chanting, memorizing the Qur'an and other religious knowledge. As for FPI health activities in Palembang City generally in South Sumatra, such as blood donations, mass circumcision, providing ambulance cars, social services and opening posts for those affected by the disaster, be it fires, landslides and other disasters in South Sumatra. HILMI is a subsidiary of the FPI organization that moves to help when there is a disaster that occurred in South Sumatra. Fourth, the FPI movement pattern in political activities to voice or support candidates who ask for help from FPI, there must first be an agreement and help or defend Muslims and fight for Islamic law. If the candidates are willing, FPI is ready to help fight for their aspirations through political channels. The impact of the use of religious identity on the patterns of movement carried out by FPI in its activities has always been responded well from the government and accepted by the community. Because the impact of every movement or action there has never been a conflict between the government and the people in Palembang City.

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