Gareth Richard Vaughan Jones (1905-1935) (Part 1)

2010 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 425-441
Author(s):  
Margaret Siriol Colley
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Short Biography

AbstractA short biography of Gareth Jones, Foreign Aff airs Adviser to British Prime Minister Lloyd George and an early visitor to the Soviet Union, who exposed the Ukrainian famine and daily life under communist rule, Fragments of his letters and a 1930 article in the New Chronicle are included.

Churchill, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer (1874 –1965)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Gerena Cubbon
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Home Office ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
First Time

Winston Churchill was British Prime Minister twice during his eventful political career. Churchill initially served the British Empire as a soldier in the Caribbean, India, and Africa during the imperial wars of the 1890s. His political service began in Parliament in May 1904 when he joined the Liberal Party and became undersecretary at the Colonial Office (1905). Prime Minister Herbert Asquith promoted Churchill to the Home Office and, in 1911, appointed him First Lord of the Admiralty. After briefly resigning from politics, Churchill returned in 1917 as an ardent anti-communist, joining the Conservatives in 1924, the year he became Chancellor of the Exchequer. He was again appointed First Lord of the Admiralty following the outbreak of World War II and became Prime Minister for the first time in May 1940. As Prime Minister during the war, Churchill relied on vigorous nationalist rhetoric to rouse his compatriots against Germany. Although defeated in the general election of 1945, he continued to speak and publish, delivering his famous "iron curtain" speech at Fulton College in Missouri on March 5, 1946. A lifelong anti-communist, he used this particular speech to emphasize the ideological gulf between the democratic, liberty-embracing West and the Soviet Union. Churchill again served as Prime Minister from 1951 until 1955.

scholarly journals The strokes that killed Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin

2016 ◽  
Vol 41 (1) ◽  
pp. E7 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohaid Ali ◽  
Ian D. Connolly ◽  
Amy Li ◽  
Omar A. Choudhri ◽  
Arjun V. Pendharkar ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Hemorrhagic Stroke ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Early Death ◽  
The United States ◽  
Suez Crisis ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister

From February 4 to 11, 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States, Soviet Union Premier Joseph Stalin, and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill met near Yalta in Crimea to discuss how post–World War II (WWII) Europe should be organized. Within 2 decades of this conference, all 3 men had died. President Roosevelt died 2 months after the Yalta Conference due to a hemorrhagic stroke. Premier Stalin died 8 years later, also due to a hemorrhagic stroke. Finally, Prime Minister Churchill died 20 years after the conference because of complications due to stroke. At the time of Yalta, these 3 men were the leaders of the most powerful countries in the world. The subsequent deterioration of their health and eventual death had varying degrees of historical significance. Churchill's illness forced him to resign as British prime minister, and the events that unfolded immediately after his resignation included Britain's mismanagement of the Egyptian Suez Crisis and also a period of mistrust with the United States. Furthermore, Roosevelt was still president and Stalin was still premier at their times of passing, so their deaths carried huge political ramifications not only for their respective countries but also for international relations. The early death of Roosevelt, in particular, may have exacerbated post-WWII miscommunication between America and the Soviet Union—miscommunication that may have helped precipitate the Cold War.

‘A Party of the Extreme Left’

2019 ◽  
pp. 169-206
Author(s):  
John Mulqueen
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
Class Politics ◽  
Margaret Thatcher ◽  
The North ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
Republican Movement

The Irish minister for justice, Patrick Cooney, in 1976 identified two threats to the state: the ‘Sino-Hibernian’ Official republican movement and the Provisional IRA. ‘Harsh laws’ to counter subversion would be widely welcomed, he claimed. The Official movement’s leadership now openly endorsed the Soviets’ agenda. This chapter focuses on the Official IRA’s determination to build a political party that stayed close to the Soviet Union but opposed its support for the Provisionals’ ‘prison war’ – the campaign to restore ‘political status’ for newly-convicted paramilitary prisoners. Now advocating ‘peace, work and class politics’ as the solution to the northern crisis, the Official movement’s political creation, Sinn Féin The Workers’ Party (SFWP), abandoned the traditional left-wing republican ‘anti-imperialist’ position. Ironically, this involved the party analysing the situation in the north along the same lines as the British prime minister, Margaret Thatcher.

India and the Soviet Union

1978 ◽  
Vol 17 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 739-757 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vijay Sen Budhraj
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Press Conference ◽  
Joint Session ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Special Relations

At a Press conference held soon after assuming office as Prime Minister on 24 March 1977, Morarji R. Desai said that his Government would follow a policy of “proper non-alignment”. He also said that his Government would not wish to have any “special” relations with any one country. Obviously he had the Soviet Union in mind when he made this observation; for it is often asserted that the 20-year Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Co-operation between India and the Soviet Union signed in August 1971 had established “special” relations between the two countries. Commenting on this treaty, the new Prime Minister said that if it meant that India should not have friendship with other countries, then it would have to change. “At least we will not act upon it in that manner.”1 Again, four days later, addressing the first joint session of the sixth Parliament, the Acting President stated that the new Government would “follow a path of genuine non-alignment”. This article is an attempt to explain what led to the establishment of “special” relations, why there were hints about a change in these relations when those whom Indira Gandhi had jailed replaced her in office in March 1977, and what actually happened thereafter. It is also an attempt to explain why the Janata Government continued the policy of friendship with the Soviet Union and to assess the elements of continuity and change in Indo-Soviet relations.

From Buzuluk to London: The Combat Trail and Everyday Service of Women Auxiliaries in the Polish Army (1941–1945)

2019 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 263-287 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Marcinkiewicz-Kaczmarczyk
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Second World

This article explores the establishment of the Polish Women’s Auxiliary Service (was) as part of the complex story of the formation of a Polish army in exile. In 1941, after the German invasion of the Soviet Union, the Polish Army in the Soviet Union was established. The Women’s Auxiliary Service was formed at the same time as a means to enable Polish women to serve their country and also as a way for Polish women to escape the Soviet Union. The women of the was followed the Polish Army combat trail from Buzuluk to London, accompanying their male peers first to the Middle East and then Italy. The women of the was served as nurses, clerks, cooks and drivers. This article examines the recruitment, organization and daily life of the women who served their country as exiles on the battlefront of the Second World War.

scholarly journals Mor Rusland - tur retur: mellem husmødre og kannibaler

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mette Bryld
Keyword(s):  
National Identity ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Homeless Women ◽  
The Political ◽  
The West ◽  
Fallen Woman ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New Mother ◽  
Gender Specific

The belief in women's "natural" predisposition to motherhood and domesticity was drastically strenghtened during the period of perestrojka, which has been characterized by Russian democratic feminists as "basically a male project". After the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the proclamation of a new Russia, the ongoing search for a national identity continued to nourish what was imagined to be a stable identity, i.e. a female body with a gender-specific mission. So magically promising did this bonding appear that, in 1995, it even influenced the naming of the political party of Prime Minister Chernomyrdin: "Our Home is Russia" ("Nash dom - Rossija"), which clearly links the vision of national identity to the femininity of mothering, nuturing and caring. Behind this image hovers the representation of the Soviet Union as a fallen woman. The article shows how some women internalize the paradigm of the new "mother nation" by constructing prostitutes, homeless women, lesbians, or even unfaithful wives as Soviet "others"; sometimes this deviant is so explicitly ostracized that she is situated beyond the borders, i.e. in the West (or simply in "Europe", i.e. non-Russia). However, this discourse of pathetic and nostalgic womanhood does not stand alone; it is countered by subversive self-representations of domesticity and maternity such as cannibalistic chaos and death (e.g. L. Petrushevskaya's The time - night.) I suggest that both strategies, each in their own way, mirror the collapsing cultural identities which make up the present period of "transition".

All-Russian fleet support movement and public diplomacy

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir I. Vinokurov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Public Diplomacy ◽  
Daily Life ◽  
Public Organization ◽  
Large Cities ◽  
Marine Transport ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Maritime Strategy ◽  
Ship Repair ◽  
Maritime Community

The article is devoted to the activities of one of the most famous public organizations in Russia-the All — Russian Movement for the Support of Flot (DPF), which celebrated its 30th anniversary on September 10, 2021. Created in the difficult conditions of the beginning of the actual collapse of the Soviet Union, the Movement immediately declared its patriotic goals, the main one of which was the systematic preparation and worthy meeting of the upcoming 300th anniversary of the Russian Fleet. The ideas and plans of the DPF leadership have found wide support among military sailors and representatives of the civil fleet. Today, the Fleet Support Movement unites in its ranks more than 50 thousand individual and collective members-veterans and active military sailors, representatives of the Marine Transport and River Fleet, Shipbuilding and ship repair industry, Fishing Fleet, marine science, People's fleet-yachting, etc. All of them are part of 63 regional branches and representative offices operating in many regions and large cities of our country. Thus, it has become a powerful public organization that can solve any task in its field, starting from the development of the Russian Maritime Strategy and ending with taking care of the daily life of members of the maritime community. The organization also actively participates in international activities, which makes it a strong representative of Russian public (people's) diplomacy abroad.

The KPJ Liberates, Conquers and Restores Yugoslavia January 1944–May 1945

2020 ◽  
pp. 215-270
Author(s):  
Stevan K. Pavlowitch
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Nazi Germany ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Deep Impression

This chapter illustrates the results of the major Allied landing on the Yugoslav coast and how Marshall Tito's movement became the main beneficiary of British support forthcoming from Italy. It examines the British influence in a restored Yugoslavia, through support for the most active domestic movement. The Yugoslav communists had been active, and radically so, because they were carrying out their own revolutionary plan, for long unobserved. Following the war of Nazi Germany and its allies, the chapter then uncovers a situation that developed in which all the cards were stacked in favour of Tito and the Partisans. It evaluates how the formation of a 'partisan government' at Jajce had left a deep impression on the population of Bosnia. The chapter also presents the Yugoslav communists' less success in Macedonia, and the German withdrawal from Montenegro. Acknowledged as Yugoslavia's prime minister, Tito went to Moscow in April 1945 to sign a twenty-year treaty with the Soviet Union. Ultimately, it analyses Yugoslavia's tremendous human and material losses, the final withdrawal of the Germans, and the communist takeover.

scholarly journals Paying it forward: Canada's renewed commitment to NATO's enhanced Forward Presence

2019 ◽  
Vol 74 (1) ◽  
pp. 162-171
Author(s):  
Christian Leuprecht ◽  
Joel Sokolsky ◽  
Jayson Derow
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Fundamental Principle ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Defence Policy ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Face

Although the dissolution of the Soviet Union may have altered the founding Cold War rationale for NATO, the fundamental principle of the transatlantic alliance has prevailed for 70 years: the collective defence of shared interests. In the face of Russian aggression, and uncertainty about US continued commitment to the alliance, reinforcing NATO has emerged as Canada's top expeditionary defence priority. Indeed, just before the NATO summit in July 2018, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau renewed Canada's commitment to the enhanced Forward Presence (eFP) as the Framework Nation for Latvia for four years, and scaled up Canada's contribution to the allied battlegroup. This decision is as much a reflection of the eFP's immediate collective defence requirements in Latvia as it is of the extent to which the existential fate of Canada's most important defence asset hangs in the balance: the alliance, Canada's role in it, and the future of Canadian defence policy.

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