Gender, Catholicism, and Communism in 1950s Shanghai (1950年代上海的性别、天主教与共产主义)

2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-214
Author(s):  
Paul P. Mariani
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Catholic Women ◽  
Communist Revolution ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Formed Part

In the 1950s, Shanghai witnessed a conflict between the Chinese Communist Party (ccp) and the Shanghai Catholic community. The ccp wanted this community to break ties with the pope and form an “independent” Catholic Church that would fall under the authority of the Chinese government. Many Catholics in Shanghai soon resisted what they perceived to be the unjust religious policies of the ccp. One of the “backbone elements” of Catholic resistance in Shanghai was young women. This study investigates how three young Catholic women dealt with the ccp’s encroaching religious policies. All three came from similar backgrounds and they all initially formed part of the Catholic resistance to ccp religious policies during the early 1950s. Afterward their trajectories differed dramatically due to the particular way in which the Communist revolution intervened in the life of each woman. This study thus illuminates the contested area of religious faith, state power, and gender in the early years of the People’s Republic of China. 上世纪五十年代，上海见证了中共与上海天主教会之间的冲突。中共命令上海天主教会断绝与教宗的联系，成为一个听命于中国政府的“独立”教会。上海的许多天主教徒很快就起来抵制这些他们视为不公正的宗教政策。反抗运动中的许多“骨干分子”是年轻女信徒。本文探究了三位年轻的女天主教信徒如何应对当时中共侵权的宗教政策。她们有相似的生活背景，并都在50年代初期参与了抵制中共宗教政策的运动。但是因为中共革命介入她们生命的不同方式，她们之后的人生轨迹大相径庭。这项研究因此阐述了在中华人民共和国初期，宗教信仰、国家政权与性别之间充满张力的互动。

Reconstructing China: Japanese technicians and industrialization in the early years of the People's Republic of China

2015 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 141-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
AMY KING
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Early Years ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Continuity And Change ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Foreign Ministry

AbstractThe Chinese Communist Party was confronted with the pressing challenge of ‘reconstructing’ China's industrial economy when it came to power in 1949. Drawing on recently declassified Chinese Foreign Ministry archives, this article argues that the Party met this challenge by drawing on the expertise of Japanese technicians left behind in Northeast China at the end of the Second World War. Between 1949 and 1953, when they were eventually repatriated, thousands of Japanese technicians were used by the Chinese Communist Party to develop new technology and industrial techniques, train less skilled Chinese workers, and rebuild factories, mines, railways, and other industrial sites in the Northeast. These first four years of the People's Republic of China represent an important moment of both continuity and change in China's history. Like the Chinese Nationalist government before them, the Chinese Communist Party continued to draw on the technological and industrial legacy of the Japanese empire in Asia to rebuild China's war-torn economy. But this four-year period was also a moment of profound change. As the Cold War erupted in Asia, the Chinese Communist Party began a long-term reconceptualization of how national power was intimately connected to technology and industrial capability, and viewed Japanese technicians as a vital element in the transformation of China into a modern and powerful nation.

scholarly journals The Catholic Church in Modern China: How Does State Regulation Influence the Church?

Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. 446
Author(s):  
Magdaléna Masláková ◽  
Anežka Satorová
Keyword(s):  
Lived Experience ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Field Research ◽  
State Regulation ◽  
Modern China ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Religious Groups ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Church ◽  
The Catholic Church

The Chinese government has regulated all religious activity in the public domain for many years. The state has generally considered religious groups as representing a potential challenge to the authority of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), which sees one of its basic roles as making sure religion neither interferes with the state’s exercise of power nor harms its citizens. A revised Regulation on Religious Affairs (Zongjiao shiwu tiaoli 宗教事务条例) took effect in 2018, updating the regulation of 2005. This paper aims to introduce and explore the content of the regulation, especially how it differs from its predecessor, how any changes are likely to affect religious groups in China, and whether the implications will be greater for some groups than for others. For example, the Catholic church in China has historical links to the worldwide Catholic church, so articles in the new regulation which seek to curb foreign influence on Chinese religious groups may have more of an effect on Chinese Catholics than on other groups. The research is based on textual analysis of the relevant legal documents and on field research conducted in the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The fieldwork consisted of open interviews with several church members and official representatives of the church conducted in Zhejiang Province between March and May 2018, and in May and June 2019. The paper thus aims to analyze contemporary Chinese religious legislation in light of anthropological research in order to fully comprehend the lived experience of Catholics in China, and to address two main questions: How is the new regulation affecting the Catholic church? What are the possible outcomes of the new regulation for the Catholic church in China?

The Laywoman Project

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mary J. Henold
Keyword(s):  
Catholic Church ◽  
Religious Faith ◽  
Formative Period ◽  
Modern World ◽  
National Council ◽  
New Era ◽  
Church Hierarchy ◽  
Catholic History ◽  
And Gender ◽  
The Church

Summoning everyday Catholic laywomen to the forefront of twentieth-century Catholic history, Mary J. Henold considers how these committed parishioners experienced their religion in the wake of Vatican II (1962–1965). This era saw major changes within the heavily patriarchal religious faith—at the same time as an American feminist revolution caught fire. Who was the Catholic woman for a new era? Henold uncovers a vast archive of writing, both intimate and public facing, by hundreds of rank-and-file American laywomen active in national laywomen’s groups, including the National Council of Catholic Women, the Catholic Daughters of America, and the Daughters of Isabella. These records evoke a formative period when laywomen played publicly with a surprising variety of ideas about their own position in the Catholic Church. While marginalized near the bottom of the church hierarchy, laywomen quietly but purposefully engaged both their religious and gender roles as changing circumstances called them into question. Some eventually chose feminism while others rejected it, but most, Henold says, crafted a middle position: even conservative, nonfeminist laywomen came to reject the idea that the church could adapt to the modern world while keeping women’s status frozen in amber.

The Politics of Mnemonics: History in the Debate over Taiwan's Status

2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Steve Phillips
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mainland China ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Nationalist Party ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Taiwan Strait ◽  
The Cold War

AbstractWith the retreat of the Nationalist forces of Chiang Kai-shek (Jiang Jieshi) from mainland China to Taiwan in the late 1940s, the island seemed destined to be part of another nation divided by the Cold War—superficially similar to Germany and Korea. The Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China (PRC) on the mainland, while the Nationalist Party (Guomindang) moved its government, the Republic of China (ROC), to Taiwan. It followed, then, that reconciliation between the two would unite both sides of the Taiwan Strait under one nation-state. Much has changed since those early years of the Cold War, however. The Communists have embraced capitalism, most nations have established relations with the PRC while cutting ties to the ROC, and it is difficult to discern whether the Nationalists are devoted to a Chinese or to a Taiwanese nation.1 Despite

Revolution knows no boundaries? Chinese revolutionaries in North Vietnam during the early years of the First Indochina War

2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-274
Author(s):  
Xiaorong Han
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Early Phase ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Economic Aid ◽  
Chinese Military ◽  
North Vietnam ◽  
Indochina War

This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1949, their activities deserve to be examined, not only because they were the forerunners of later actors, but also because they had already made concrete contributions to the Vietnamese revolution before the founding of the People's Republic of China and the arrival of large-scale Chinese military and economic aid. Moreover, interactions between early Chinese participants and the Vietnamese revolutionaries established a pattern that would characterise Sino–Vietnamese relations in the subsequent decades.

Limits and Hopes: Catholics and Religious Freedom in the People's Republic of China

1989 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-209
Author(s):  
Geoffrey King
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Religious Freedom ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Chinese Tradition ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Marxist Ideology ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The Catholic Church

Despite the more liberal policies of the present Chinese government, the Catholic Church in China remains very limited in its activities. It can have no voice on matters of public policy; Catholics can give no external expression to their belief in the primacy of the Pope. This state of affairs is determined as much by Chinese tradition and the economy as by Marxist ideology. But a mission of “presence” remains possible, and there seem to be no insuperable obstacles to a model of church communion which respects both papal primacy and the Chinese desire for “autonomy”.

Heroes, Hooligans, and Knights-Errant: Masculinities and Popular Media in the Early People’s Republic of China

NAN Nü ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 316-356
Author(s):  
Y. Yvon Wang
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Urban China ◽  
Popular Media ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Media Technologies ◽  
Late Imperial ◽  
Modern Media ◽  
Imperial Period ◽  
Cultural Markets ◽  
And Gender

This article is an exploration of media and gender in urban and peri-urban China during the 1950s and early 1960s – specifically, the persistent trope of the “hooligan,” or liumang. Since at least the late imperial period, Chinese authorities had feared unmarried, impoverished, rootless men as the main source of crime, disorder, and outright rebellion. Yet such figures were simultaneously celebrated as knights-errant for their violent heroism in cultural works of enormous popularity across regions and classes. As the ruling Chinese Communist Party attempted to reshape society and culture after 1949, it condemned knight-errant tales and made hooliganism a crime. At the same time, the state tried to promote a new pantheon of vigilante-like men in the guise of revolutionary heroes. But the state’s control over deeply rooted cultural markets and their products was incomplete. Moreover, the same potent tools that had empowered the Party, in particular its rhetoric of revolutionary subjectivity and its harnessing of modern media technologies, were open as never before to being adopted by the very targets of its efforts at control and censure. Marginal masculinity in the early PRC, though in many ways continuous with that in China during the previous decades and centuries, marked a new epoch: men and boys deemed hooligans were able to speak out and defend themselves as heroes.


‘Loving Capitalism Disease’: Aids and Ideology in the People’s Republic of China, 1984–2000*

2020 ◽  
Vol 249 (1) ◽  
pp. 251-294
Author(s):  
Julian Gewirtz
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Global Capitalism ◽  
Chinese Government ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Capitalist Ideology ◽  
To Receive ◽  
Hiv Aids

Abstract This article examines how the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) interpreted HIV/AIDS in the period from 1984, when the Chinese government first introduced policies reacting to the disease’s emergence, to 2000, when China’s devastating epidemic began to receive worldwide media attention. Important new sources show how the CCP cast HIV/AIDS as a staging ground for debates about the risks of liberalization and an evolving metaphor for deviance from socialism even in an era of capitalistic changes. Just as anti-capitalist ideology shaped official understandings of HIV/AIDS, so too did HIV/AIDS shape official views about the perils of China’s ‘reform and opening’ and the risks of capitalism to China. This two-way flow of meanings, which carried epidemiological and human consequences, illustrates the need for scholars of this period to foreground the evolving official ideology and forms of resistance to global capitalism — in politics, culture, society and even public health — rather than only the more common and sanguine narrative of rapid growth and economic development. Far more than previously understood, the interplay between AIDS and CCP ideology in this period reveals crucial dynamics in the evolution of China’s ongoing encounter with global capitalism.

Mao and Maoism

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy Cheek
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Personality Cult ◽  
Great Leap Forward ◽  
Communist Revolution ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
The Great Leap Forward

Mao Zedong played a central role in leading the largest communist revolution in the world outside the Soviet Union and in the ‘creative developments’ or ‘Sinification’ of Marxist-Leninist orthodoxy to suit Chinese conditions. He combined the roles of Lenin and Stalin. The essay traces his rise to power in the Chinese Communist Party between the 1920s and 1949 and his career as leader of the People’s Republic of China from 1949 to 1976, looking at the part he played in key moments, including developments in the Yan’an base area from the late 1930s, the Great Leap Forward, and the Cultural Revolution. The essay examines the central ideas in Mao’s philosophy, such as the primacy of practice, contradiction, rectification, and concern with bureaucracy. It goes on to explore key debates in the historiography and asks what ‘Maoism’ really means. The personality cult around Chairman Mao culminated in outrageous veneration in the 1960s and his memory today elicits strong feelings, both positive and negative. Despite his many mistakes and towering cruelty, he is still widely respected in China, as can be seen from his appropriation in popular culture. His ideas continue to be influential in parts of Asia and Latin America and his image is still invoked by contending interests in China.

China and the Legacy of Deng Xiaoping: From Communist Revolution to Capitalist Evolution. By Michael E. Marti. [Washington, DC: Brassey's, 2002. xviii+265 pp. $27.95. ISBN 1-57488-416-6.]

2002 ◽  
Vol 172 ◽  
pp. 1065-1103
Author(s):  
David S. G. Goodman
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Central Committee ◽  
The State ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Deng Xiaoping ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Third ◽  
Communist Revolution

In retrospect, 1991–1992 may well prove to be a pivotal period in the evolution of the People's Republic of China. The reform era ushered in by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) at the Third Plenum of its 11th Central Committee in December 1978 had dramatically restructured the economy and the state, but in the aftermath of the events of June 1989, it appeared to falter. Partly through reactions from outside China, and partly because of resistance within (including elements within the leadership of the Party), the programme of ‘reform and openness’ seemed challenged and about to topple.

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