economic aid
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2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 325-355
Author(s):  
Chiou-Ling Yeh

Abstract Although scholars have investigated the intricacies of anti-Americanism, few have examined the factors that affected the abilities of minorities or colonized people to protest U.S. policies. This article compares and contrasts the responses of Chinese in the Philippines, Thailand, and Hong Kong to the May 24th Incident of 1957, when 25,000 Chinese attacked the U.S. embassy and ransacked the U.S. Information Service Office in Taipei, Taiwan, due to the acquittal of a U.S. soldier for killing a Chinese. While U.S. military and economic aid motivated recipients to rally behind the anti-Communist banner, geopolitics, domestic conditions, and anti-Chinese racism also played pivotal roles in determining whether the Chinese could voice or act upon their anti-American sentiment. The Philippines’ heavy dependence on U.S. military and economic aid, coupled with long-lasting anti-Chinese racism, limited the potential for Philippine Chinese to critique U.S. policies. By contrast, tenuous U.S.-Thai relations and domestic anti-Americanism emboldened Thai Chinese to lambaste U.S. military injustice. Although the largest U.S. aid recipient, Britain adhered to neutrality in its Cold War politics and permitted a vibrant cultural industry in Hong Kong, resulting in strong criticism of U.S. policies among the city’s Chinese.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-61
Author(s):  
LY SLESMAN

Whether foreign aid promotes or hinders democratic institutions has been debated with opposing views. This paper investigates short- and long-run effects of foreign aid on democratization in post-conflict Cambodia using autoregressive distributed lag bounds testing and Gregory–Hansen structural break testing approach for cointegration over 1980–2015 period. The findings reveal that net bilateral foreign aid per capita, aggregated and classified into purpose-based ‘governance aid’, ‘economic aid’, ‘other aid’ and ‘donor-specific aid’ from the US, EU, France, Australia and Japan, promote long-run democratization. In the short run, only governance and economic aid appear to have a consistent positive effect on democratization.


2021 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 246-274
Author(s):  
Xiaorong Han

This article analyses the roles and activities of three groups of Chinese communist revolutionaries in the early phase of the First Indochina War. The author argues that although the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) did not begin to provide substantial aid to North Vietnam until 1950, the involvement of Chinese communists, including members of both the CCP and the Indochinese Communist Party (ICP), in the First Indochina War started at the very moment the war broke out in 1946. Although the early participants were not as prominent as the Chinese political and military advisers who arrived after 1949, their activities deserve to be examined, not only because they were the forerunners of later actors, but also because they had already made concrete contributions to the Vietnamese revolution before the founding of the People's Republic of China and the arrival of large-scale Chinese military and economic aid. Moreover, interactions between early Chinese participants and the Vietnamese revolutionaries established a pattern that would characterise Sino–Vietnamese relations in the subsequent decades.


2021 ◽  
pp. 257-270
Author(s):  
Christopher M. Davidson

The second of two summary discussions, this chapter firstly assesses the likely longevity and stability of MBS and MBZ’s ‘advanced sultanates’. In particular, it notes their apparent strength, while also considering possible dangers they may face alongside some of the more peaceful forms of activity that could also result in regime change. Secondly, it contemplates the possibilities for such advanced sultanism to replicate elsewhere in the world. In particular, it notes that replication may prove difficult (though not impossible) in other contemporary sultanates given their lack of rentier state legacies and poorer access to advanced economies and consultants Nonetheless, it notes that MBS and MBZ may seek to promote—or perhaps diffuse—repressive aspects of their regimes elsewhere in the region, especially if Saudi and UAE diplomatic support and economic aid can be tied to the adoption of MBS and MBZ’s signature policies. Finally, the chapter discusses the relevance of MBS and MBZ’s advanced sultanism to several broader issues, including: the debate on Islam’s supposed incompatibility with capitalism (which their regimes seem to contradict); the prospects for modernization theory (which their regimes also seem to contradict); and--more philosophically--the extent which their regimes may complicate global intellectual support for monarchy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-351
Author(s):  
Ferooze Ali ◽  
Azmil Tayeb

International aid from the U. S, UK, and EU has always been constantly debated within the context of the Occupied Palestinian Territories (oPt). The concern revolves around Western donors’ strict political and economic-based conditions. Critiques focus on how these factors impede aid effectiveness in addressing the local Palestinian challenges under Israel’s colonisation. The researcher argued, while this theme has been a defining feature of the academic debate for the past two decades, less research is apportioned towards exploring an alternative form of donorship. To be specific, the idea of seeking a new category of actor donor which might render aid in a more selfless, flexible, and democratic basis. To explore this potentiality, the researcher selected the IFBOs sector focusing on organisations from Malaysia, i.e. Malaysian Islamic Faith-Based Organisation (MFBOs). I dissected the policies of 7 MFBOs to gain insights into this sector’s socio-economic aid in Gaza. I interviewed 13 policymakers. The overall outcome of this exploratory research suggested the MFBOs sector is generally more flexible and democratic in their policy conduct. Further research is also needed to expand this discourse.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agustiena Merdekawati ◽  
Luci Kanti Rahayu

The problem that often appears in the distribution of economic assistance is miss-targeting assistance. This miss-targeted distribution is also faced by Baitul Maal Yayasan Al-Anshor Asmawiah, a foundation that receives and distributes economic aid. This obstacle is faced due to the many criteria attributes of potential recipients, confusing the foundation in selecting aid recipients and some parties are still cheating. Information provided by potential beneficiaries is often incomplete so there is a lack of data on the prospective beneficiary forms. The method for selecting economic aid is the C4.5 algorithm, which is an algorithm that forms a decision tree as a reference for selecting economic assistance. After obtaining the rules, the foundation implements the system in assisting. This system makes it easier for the public to fill out economic assistance forms and it is easy to immediately find out information whether they reserve the right to economic assistance or not and make it easier for administrators to get information divided to whom reserve the right to attain assistance.


2020 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 968-979
Author(s):  
Christopher Heurlin

Abstract How does authoritarian aid influence the durability of dictatorships? Western aid is thought to facilitate authoritarian durability because it can provide patronage. Authoritarian aid, by contrast, has received far less attention. This article examines both Soviet economic and military assistance, developing a theory of donor–recipient institutional complementarity to explain the impact of Soviet aid during the Cold War. The argument is developed through case studies of Vietnam and Ghana and a cross-national statistical analysis of Soviet economic aid and military assistance to developing countries from 1955 to 1991. Soviet economic aid was tied to the purchase of Soviet industrial equipment. When recipient states shared the Soviet Union's centrally planned economy, economic aid strengthened state infrastructural power by (1) enhancing fiscal capacity and (2) cultivating the dependency of the population on the state. Aid flows helped consolidate and maintain authoritarian institutions, promoting authoritarian durability. By contrast, while Soviet economic aid to noncommunist regimes provided some opportunities for patronage through employment in SOEs, the lack of institutional complementarity in planning institutions and overall lack of capacity of these institutions caused Soviet aid to contribute to inflation and fiscal crises. Economic problems, in turn, increased the vulnerability of noncommunist regimes to military coups, particularly when ideological splits emerged between pro-Soviet rulers and pro-Western militaries that undermined elite cohesion. The institutional subordination of the military to communist parties insulated communist regimes from the risk of coups.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 84-98
Author(s):  
Monija Islam

This paper scrutinized the economic, social, and affecting support systems of aged widows of sixty years who live in the People's Republic of Bangladesh. It aims to locate the socio-economic conditions, resources, and impact on aged widows. In the People's Republic of Bangladesh, there's a scarcity of a comprehensive formal arranged for aged widows. Usually, social and economic supports for aged widows come back from their sons, daughters, neighbors, and society members. The largest part of aged widows doesn’t have regular financial support. Insufficient economic aid comes from the govt. within the shape of the widow and aged allowance. Study findings point out that aged widows can coexist in the family but they cannot make family decisions. Besides, in most of cases they don’t get any facilities like respect and medical facilities. This can be causative to the inflated risk for aged widows who are depending on the support of their families. This study reports on a field survey during which one hundred aged widows of sixty years and over were interviewed and analyzed by the exploitation of excel.


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