Changing International Systems, the World Balance of Power, and the United States, 1776-1976

1987 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 37-51 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanley Hoffmann

International systems have historically come in two forms: those based on the balance of power and those of a revolutionary nature, including systems organized around bipolar competition. Hoffmann finds the world order of 1987 to contain both these systems and judges it both ambiguous and original. While the tension of these extremes can make the world appear “anarchical,” there are certain agreed upon rules by which the superpowers interact. These rules ultimately preserve order by embracing competition between the United States and the Soviet Union; superpower confrontation is prevented by each nation holding to their own ideals and sovereignty while embracing nuclear deterrence. Having revealed the rules of the superpower game, Hoffmann then subjects them to ethical judgment. Despite the historic duration of peace between superpowers that seems to have been sustained by these rules, Hoffmann finds them both ethically flawed and ultimately unstable. Turning to a brief consideration of United States foreign policy, he points to particular moral difficulties in U.S. stances and urges the development of superpower rules that are effective and ethical.


Author(s):  
Olga L. Fituni

In the end of 2021, the eighth Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) Ministerial Conference was held. The conference, which takes place every three years alternately in the PRC and one of the African countries, each time marks a certain new stage in the development of Sino-African relations and charts new paths along this path. The Dakar forum however was of particular strategic importance. It took place in fundamentally new conditions of a profoundly changed post-COVID world, in which the physical capabilities and limitations of mutual communication became different, because of the pandemic; the conditions of human security on the planet have fundamentally changed; the prevailing paradigms of the globalization process have been seriously. The FOCAC-2021 sought to outline the ways for the development of the entire multifaceted complex of Sino-African in new historical conditions. The author analyzes the degree of implementation of the plans and targets of the previous FOCAC-2018 Summit. New benchmarks and goals for the next three years of Sino-African cooperation and the impact on them of new objective conditions, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the growth of confrontation in relations between the PRC and the United States and its allies, and the reformatting of previous globalization ties and interdependencies are highlighted as they have been outlined in Dakar. The author argues that, despite these fundamental global transformations, China's African strategy, in contrast to relations with a number of key world actors, does not undergo a profound modification. China sets the task not to fundamentally change, its strategy in African and routine engagement with its with partners on the continent under the influence of the new factors, but only to adapt to the realities of the post-COVID world order, in the context of the emerging balance of power and interests in the world.


1951 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 41-44

Within the past dozen years the area known as the Middle or Near East has assumed a position of primary importance in international affairs. During 1951 British relations with Iran and Egypt reached a crisis that could easily result in the collapse of the shaky balance of power that has prevailed in the area since the Soviets withdrew from Iran in 1947. During the same year, the United States found itself on the outside, continually concerned lest each minor upheaval or clash result in a major outbreak, and doing what it could as arbitrator, mediator, technical assistant and supplier of money. France, still clinging to the belief that it has discovered the secret of effective colonial control, is being faced with a growing nationalist movement in Tunisia that might easily turn out another Egypt. The whole area, in fact, has become so important to the cause of the free world that even the remotest village election, even the most minor clash between feuding hill people, is noted with due concern in every major capital in the world.


2007 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 340-351
Author(s):  
Richard Brown

AbstractMany have argued that Japan will soon emerge as one of the world's greatest powers. During the nineteenth century, Japan had pressed for pre-eminence in Asia and beyond. Does this earlier military expansion and more recent economic dynamism indicate Japan's desire and capacity to play the role of a great power? Japan's regional economic and diplomatic activity, her prominence in such international bodies as the IMF and the World Bank, her status as a leading creditor and technological innovator, all suggest that she does. Just as Britain and the United States created and dominated international systems when they were leading creditors, perhaps Japan in its turn will become a global power.


1952 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 447-467
Author(s):  
Raymond Dennett

Speculation about the future, particularly about the nature and character of the problems which Americans may have to face in foreign policy, is admittedly risky. It is particularly so at a time when international society is far from static and domestic policy in a score of states may at any moment directly influence and even fundamentally change the balance of power as it now exists. Nevertheless, such speculation can be justified. However effective present policy may be judged to be, few would be brash enough to assert that “we planned it that way.” Postwar American policy, in the main, has not been planned: it has consisted until very recently of a series of reactions to the diplomatic and military initiative exercised by the Soviet Union and its satellites. These reactions have created a current pattern of policy for the United States which contains more long-range commitments for this country than at any previous time in American history. Future policy obviously must operate within the limits established by these commitments. Yet these are fairly broad in character in many areas of the world and any one of a number of policies might be chosen. It is not too soon to begin to plan now for some of the problems the United States will face in the very near future.


Author(s):  
Paulo Duarte

This article aims to analyse the behaviour of the United States as a world power. The working hypothesis is that the only superpower has become, nowadays, impotent, affected by a relative decline. However, this should be understood as something natural, since it has never happened that any society would permanently remain ahead of the others. We assume here that the use of the qualitative method, through the hermeneutic analysis is, certainly, the basic methodology used for this investigation. We will try to conclude that notwithstanding their relative decline, the USA will tend to remain, in the short and medium term, the only world superpower. It is recommended that further investigation must assign a special attention to China’s emergence and its consequences on the balance of world power, in particular with regard to the durability of American hegemony.


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