8 Confucian Role Ethics in the 21st Century: Domestic Violence, Same-sex Marriage, and Christian Family Values

2016 ◽  
pp. 198-225 ◽  
2009 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 1-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Puja Kapai

AbstractHong Kong recently amended its Domestic Violence Ordinance (“DVO”). During the deliberations, the issue of whether protection under the DVO ought to be extended to same-sex couples arose for discussion and has since been the subject of extensive debate. Religious and conservative groups have argued that including these groups within the DVO risks overhauling the traditional meaning of “family” and could implicitly legitimize same-sex marriage whilst others have insisted that failing to provide equivalent civil remedies under the DVO to such groups amounts to sexual orientation discrimination and is contrary to Hong Kong's international human rights commitments. This paper reviews the various arguments that have been raised against the inclusion of same-sex couples within the DVO and argues that Hong Kong's international and constitutional commitments to the principles of equality and non-discrimination require that samesex couples be brought within the purview of this legislation.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Thomson

This chapter focuses on Ruth Davidson’s position as a gay female political leader, looking at how gender and sexuality have figured in her media coverage, self-presentation and her own political positions from her election as leader of the Scottish Conservative Party in 2011 to her resignation in 2019. It moves chronologically from her election as leader to 2019, focusing on key moments – primarily the passage of same-sex marriage in Scotland; the Conservative-DUP confidence-and-supply arrangement following the 2017 general election; and the publication of Davidson’s 2018 book, Yes She Can. The chapter argues that Davidson can be seen as part of a broader trajectory within contemporary British conservatism concerning attitudes towards women in the party and politics on sexuality.


Author(s):  
Chih Wei HSIEH

LANGUAGE NOTE | Document text in Chinese; abstract in English only.As the cornerstone of today’s pro-same-sex-marriage rhetoric, Western Liberalism is often placed in opposition to Christianity and Confucianism. Under a fashionable preference for liberal values, Christianity and Confucianism’s adaptation to the modern value of gender equality has been under-valued. Gender neutrality remains controversial in Christianity and Confucianism because distinct gender roles serve to maintain morality. Further, the shortcomings of liberally oriented family values and the danger of favoringindividuality over social norms are often undiscussed. This article aims to remind readers that rights ought to be balanced with morality, and that traditional values can still serve our present age, even in the face of change.DOWNLOAD HISTORY | This article has been downloaded 351 times in Digital Commons before migrating into this platform.


Author(s):  
Joanna L. Grossman ◽  
Lawrence M. Friedman

This chapter explores marriage in the social and legal context. It looks at who marries, and what marriage seems to mean to them. Marriage is a crucial social institution, and many people bemoan the state of American marriage: opponents of same-sex marriage, supporters of the patriarchal family, anti-divorce moralists, advocates for children, and so on. Marriage may be weaker than before, it may have changed greatly; but it is still fundamental to society and to the lives of people in America. And its consequences reverberate throughout society and the law. Thus the chapter discusses what marriage means in law: the rights and obligations of married couples, including economic rights. It also looks at the darker side of marriage—domestic violence and marital rape.


2009 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-65
Author(s):  
Christopher J. Collins ◽  

2021 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
Author(s):  
Els Leye ◽  
Hayley D’Souza ◽  
Nathalie Meurens

One of the major achievements in tackling violence against women (VAW) is the adoption of the Council of Europe’s Istanbul Convention on VAW and Domestic Violence. The Istanbul Convention (IC) is a legally binding instrument tackling violence from a gender perspective, with a comprehensive set of measures. Although 21 European Union Member States (MS) and Turkey have ratified the Istanbul Convention and the European Union itself signed it, opposition towards gender equality has also risen. This paper reviews a study tendered by the European Parliament (the EP study), which aimed to understand the implementation of the Convention, its added value and arguments against its ratification. The EP Study grouped the 27 European Union MS and Turkey into those that have and have not ratified and implemented the IC. The EP study was based on four strands of data collection: 1) a literature review focusing on the impact of and arguments against ratification; 2) a legal mapping of the legislation to compare the criminal codes and support services of each country with relevant articles of the Convention; 3) national data collection to identify challenges in the implementation of the Convention and good practices; 4) a stakeholder on-line consultation. The study was conducted in 2020. The EP study found that ratification of the Convention triggered amendments to existing legislation and/or the adoption of new legal measures, but that legislative changes are less extensive in countries that have not ratified the Convention. Most European Union MS have adopted gender-neutral approaches to laws and policies, thus failing to acknowledge the gendered nature of violence against women and domestic violence. Seven of the European Union countries (BG, HR, LT, LV, MT, RO, TU) refer to physical, psychological, economic and sexual violence in their definitions of domestic violence, while nine countries (AT, BE, CZ, DK, EE, FI, FR, IE, LU) do not define domestic violence. Remaining challenges in the implementation of the Istanbul Convention include a lack of sustainable national action plans, and insufficient funding for specialist support services. Resistance to the Convention is evident even in countries that have ratified it, in response to proposed legislation on same-sex marriage, adoption or sexuality education in schools. Non-ratifying countries and countries with high resistance to the Convention often display victim-blaming public attitudes to intimate partner violence, stronger gender stereotypes and a stronger resistance to same-sex marriage/rights. The paper concludes by suggesting recommendations. The cut off date for data collection was 16 September 2020 and therefore legal and policy developments after that date were not included in this paper. This includes Poland and Turkey announcing their withdrawal from the IC in respectively July 2020 and March 2021. However, given the focus of this paper is on understanding the reasons behind resistance against the IC and on the differences between countries that ratified and those that did not, this paper contributes to a better understanding of how progress has been made following the IC, and points to the added value of the IC.


2020 ◽  
Vol 117 (14) ◽  
pp. 7696-7701
Author(s):  
Tom S. Vogl ◽  
Jeremy Freese

Data from the General Social Survey indicate that higher-fertility individuals and their children are more conservative on “family values” issues, especially regarding abortion and same-sex marriage. This pattern implies that differential fertility has increased and will continue to increase public support for conservative policies on these issues. The association of family size with conservatism is specific to traditional-family issues and can be attributed in large part to the greater religiosity and lower educational attainment of individuals from larger families. Over the 2004 to 2018 period, opposition to same-sex marriage and abortion was 3 to 4 percentage points more prevalent than it would have been were traditional-family conservatism independent of family size in the current generation. For same-sex marriage, evolutionary forces have grown in relative importance as society as a whole has liberalized. As of 2018, differential fertility raised the number of US adults opposed to same-sex marriage by 17%, from 46.9 million to 54.8 million.


2020 ◽  
pp. 109-136
Author(s):  
Sandra Patton-Imani ◽  
Sandra Patton-Imani

I consider the political context of family-making in the “family values” era of the 1990s. I explore public controversies over the children’s book Heather Has Two Mommies by Leslea Newman (1989) in relation to political discourse on race, gender, and family values in the 1990s. I consider parallel discussions of motherhood, fitness, and citizenship in public discussions about same-sex marriage, social welfare benefits, disability, and immigration. I explore changes in adoption policies as a strategy for neoliberal privatization. Considering these public narratives about “illegitimate,” “illegal,” and “unfit” mothers and children together illuminates intersecting axes of power regulating their access to the full range of citizenship rights, including race, national origin, disability, sexual orientation, and gender. Exploring this political moment is crucial to understanding the complex and contradictory ways the same-sex marriage and adoption debates are intimately connected to reproductive politics.


Exchange ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 230-257
Author(s):  
Pekka Metso ◽  
Laura Kallatsa

Abstract This article studies the debate on same-sex marriage in the early 21st century, within the two national churches of Finland, the Evangelical Lutheran Church and the Orthodox Church. Legislation facilitating the so-called “gender-neutral marriage” came into effect in Finland in March 2017. In their official teachings, both churches emphasize marriage as a union between a man and a woman. An awareness of the rights of sexual minorities has, however, increased in both churches, and has given rise to the debate on how same-sex marriage should be perceived. While holding on to the traditional view of marriage, both churches have sought ways to recognize and affirm the position of sexual minorities. This has caused tension within the churches. As the majority church, the Lutheran church in particular faces strong pressure to accept same-sex weddings in the church. For the advocates of sexual minorities within the Orthodox Church, recognition of sexual minorities seems to be the main objective, rather than promoting same-sex weddings.


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