The Refugee Crisis and the Right to Political Asylum

2015 ◽  
Vol 47 (13-14) ◽  
pp. 1367-1374 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael A. Peters ◽  
Tina Besley

2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatemeh Tavassoli ◽  
Alireza Jalilifar ◽  
Peter RR White

This study investigates the representations of the Syrian refugee crisis in commentary articles published in two British newspapers with different political orientations, The Guardian and The Telegraph. The study draws on the appraisal model as a linguistic tool to analyse the attitudinal language of the articles indicative of the stances adopted by the newspapers. Such stances have the potential to position the readers to positively view the refugees and accept them into their homeland labelled as the welcoming stance, or otherwise reject them labelled as unwelcoming. The selected 20 articles belong to September 2015 and March 2016, the beginning and end of a 6-month period during which important policy changes were made by the leading countries in the wake of 2015 terrorist attacks. The findings indicate that the left-leaning The Guardian adopts a dominantly welcoming stance towards the Syrian refugees and consistently maintains this welcoming stance after 6 months of chaos across Europe. The right-leaning The Telegraph, however, shows a more unwelcoming stance and becomes even more unwelcoming after 6 months.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-123
Author(s):  
Milta Ortiz

Sanctuary is a play based on real events and real people. In this opening scene, we meet Carol and Mica as they set out to investigate what they believe to be a refugee crisis in 1981. They have uncovered harsh truths about Central Americans, mostly Salvadorans, fleeing war. They are being detained by border patrol under the US Immigration and Naturalization Service's orders and are being coerced against political asylum applications. Mica and Carol set out to help refugees apply for political asylum, but first they must convince the detainees one by one that they can be trusted.


Author(s):  
Robin Finlay ◽  
Peter Hopkins ◽  
Gurchathen Sanghera

At the time of writing, politics within Scotland and the UK is experiencing a period of uncertainty, with issues such as Brexit, Scottish nationalism, the ‘refugee crisis’ and continued economic insecurity creating a complicated and unprecedented political climate. Scotland, for many, is considered to be expressing a distinctive politics to the rest ofthe UK (Mooney, 2013; McAngus, 2015), with the Scottish National Party (SNP) having strong representation in both the Scottish and UK Parliaments. With regard to the electorate, there is a sense that youngpeople in Scotland have recently become more politicised (Baxter et al., 2015; Hopkins, 2015), with sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds having been given the right to vote in the Scottish parliamentary elections and the 2014 independence referendum. This contests the frequent narrative that young people are politically apathetic (Kimberlee, 2002), and adds to a growing body of work that seeks to examine and unearth the varied and complex ways in which young people engage with political issues (Brookes and Hodkinson, 2008; O’Toole and Gale, 2013; Pilkington and Pollock, 2015).


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (6) ◽  
pp. 1005-1032 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mattias Wendel

While the Dublin System was meant to create a clear and fair division of responsibilities for the examination of applications for international protection, the recent refugee crisis highlighted the extent to which normative aspirations and political realities can diverge. That said, the Dublin System does allow for a certain degree of flexibility: By exercising the discretionary right to assume responsibility under the so-called “sovereignty clause” of Article 17, paragraph 1 of the Dublin III Regulation, Member States can examine asylum applications even when they would not formally have jurisdiction for doing so according to the criteria established by the Dublin System. Germany has relied upon this right extensively during the refugee crisis. Against this backdrop, the following contribution analyzes the reasons for, and limits of, multilevel administrative discretion in the Common European Asylum System. It argues that when a Member State exercises the right to assume responsibility in a sweeping manner, i.e. in hundreds of thousands of cases, it runs the risk of overstretching the legal limits of its discretionary powers. National administrative bodies can only invoke the right to assume responsibility insofar as this does not amount to game-changing decisions by the executive or unilateral decision-making without transnational coordination – particularly when such decisions have severe transnational consequences.


Healthcare ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 560
Author(s):  
Milena Santric-Milicevic ◽  
Milena Vasic ◽  
Vladimir Vasic ◽  
Mirjana Zivkovic-Sulovic ◽  
Dragana Cirovic ◽  
...  

Planning and adjusting health capacities to meet the needs of refugees is a constant issue for transit and destination countries following the 2015/2016 Western Balkans refugee crisis. Understanding this crisis is important for taking the right steps in the future. The study informs about the prediction of the refugees’ health needs and demands for services in correspondence to political decision-making during 2015/2016 Western Balkan Refugee Crisis. Time series analysis, linear regression, and correlation analyses modelled the weekly flux of arrivals of more than half a million refugees to Serbia and the European Union, changes in the utilization of health care services, and disease diagnoses. With strategic planning, in the event of a recurrence of the refugee crises, the demand for health care services in the transit country could increase by 63 (95% CI: 21–105) for every additional 1000 refugees.


2017 ◽  
Vol 111 ◽  
pp. 379-384

The 2017 Jessup Compromis focuses on transboundary aquifers and the right to water, natural resource development that causes damage to a UNESCO World Heritage Site, the repatriation of a stolen cultural artifact, and state responsibility for a refugee crisis.


Author(s):  
Martin Sökefeld

The article historicizes the German ‘refugee crisis’ of 2015 in the context of post-World War II politics of migration and asylum in the country, focusing particularly on the reactions to the ‘crisis’ of 1992. That time, government reacted to more than 400,000 refugees from the Balkan wars with severe restrictions of the right to asylum, framed also within the ‘Dublin Regulation’ of the European Union. It is argued that German politics of immigration was mostly a kind of Realpolitik that subordinated humanitarian considerations to closed-border politics geared at keeping migrants out. Summer 2015, however, saw elements of humanitarianism in German refugee politics, understood, following Didier Fassin, as the introduction of moral sentiments into politics. This ‘humanitarianism’ was mostly accredited to Chancellor Angela Merkel. Yet the commitment of thousands of members of the German public ensured the sustainability of a ‘welcome culture’ intended to accommodate refugees, government politics quickly reverted to new restrictions that keep immigrants for many months or even years in a limbo of waiting. While to some extent government’s humanitarian discourse continues it becomes apparent that humanitarian politics is often a cover up for ulterior political motives. It is concluded that marking the events of 2015 as a refugee crisis enables in the first place the legitimization of politics of restriction like the externalization of EU borders into North African countries.


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