Political Participation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robin Finlay ◽  
Peter Hopkins ◽  
Gurchathen Sanghera
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
National Party ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
Strong Representation ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right

At the time of writing, politics within Scotland and the UK is experiencing a period of uncertainty, with issues such as Brexit, Scottish nationalism, the ‘refugee crisis’ and continued economic insecurity creating a complicated and unprecedented political climate. Scotland, for many, is considered to be expressing a distinctive politics to the rest ofthe UK (Mooney, 2013; McAngus, 2015), with the Scottish National Party (SNP) having strong representation in both the Scottish and UK Parliaments. With regard to the electorate, there is a sense that youngpeople in Scotland have recently become more politicised (Baxter et al., 2015; Hopkins, 2015), with sixteen- and seventeen-year-olds having been given the right to vote in the Scottish parliamentary elections and the 2014 independence referendum. This contests the frequent narrative that young people are politically apathetic (Kimberlee, 2002), and adds to a growing body of work that seeks to examine and unearth the varied and complex ways in which young people engage with political issues (Brookes and Hodkinson, 2008; O’Toole and Gale, 2013; Pilkington and Pollock, 2015).

After the Scottish Independence Referendum

2019 ◽  
pp. 275-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Tierney
Keyword(s):  
United Kingdom ◽  
Constitutional Change ◽  
National Party ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
Independent Country

This chapter examines the independence referendum in Scotland, held on September 18, 2014, and its implications for the federal direction of the United Kingdom. The referendum saw 55 percent of Scots say “No” to the question: “Should Scotland be an Independent Country?”. Despite this result, the referendum has sparked a further process of decentralization. The chapter first describes the context that led to the Scottish independence referendum, focusing in particular on the success of the Scottish National Party (SNP) in the parliamentary elections of May 2011 and why the referendum emerged from—and was organized within—the normal contours of constitutional democracy. It then considers the period of constitutional engagement and the outcome of the referendum before concluding with an analysis of some of the lessons that can be drawn from it with regard to constitutional change and the issue of secession.

scholarly journals Accommodation or political identity: Scottish members of the UK Parliament

2017 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 341-363 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren Hall-Lew ◽  
Ruth Friskney ◽  
James M. Scobbie
Keyword(s):  
Political Party ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
National Party ◽  
Phonetic Variation ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
Political Speeches ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Vowel Height

AbstractPhonetic variation among Scottish members of the UK Parliament may be influenced by convergence to Southern English norms (Carr & Brulard, 2006) or political identity (e.g., Hall-Lew, Coppock, & Starr, 2010). Drawing on a year's worth of political speeches (2011–2012) from 10 Scottish members of the UK Parliament (MPs), we find no acoustic evidence for the adoption of a Southern English low vowel system; rather, we find that vowel height is significantly correlated with political party: Scottish Labour Party MPs produce a higher cat vowel (Johnston, 1997) than do Scottish National Party MPs. The results contradict claims that Scottish MPs acquire Anglo-English features while serving in the UK Parliament. Rather, we suggest that the variation indexes political meaning, with a subset of individuals drawing on that indexicality in production.

scholarly journals Supporting girls and young women victims of sexual harassment in schools: “me and you and everyone we know”

2022 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Goodman ◽  
Melania Calestani
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Sexual Harassment ◽  
Young Women ◽  
Personal Responsibility ◽  
Young Men ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Race And Gender ◽  
Long Term Impact ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right

Purpose This study aims to highlight an innovative project, across three European countries, namely, Italy, Sweden and Romania, that used pictorial designs to empower young women to demand the right to live without sexual harassment. Design/methodology/approach Abstract figures in terms of race and gender of young people were produced on cards, which allowed the imagination of the viewer to interpret and discuss these images freely. Other cards had definitions and scenarios. The cards generated discussion and comments both with the young participants and educational professionals. Findings Using the cards produced a rich set of responses from the students. Not all recognised that what was happening between young men and women was sexual harassment. There was a need to develop the concept of empathy and personal responsibility for behaviour and etiquette between the sexes. The response from professionals also varied in terms of sympathy and understanding. Research limitations/implications The three countries had different degrees of openness to addressing sexual harassment of girls in schools. The results may not be generalisable to the UK and researchers would like to use the tool developed in other countries. Practical implications The focus groups with young people in schools highlighted different attitudes towards sexual harassment in girls and young women, between the young women and young men, and the variations in the three countries. There was a need to educate professionals of the long-term impact of sexual violence and harassment. Social implications The research revealed the importance of producing a tool (the cards), which enabled young people to discuss sexual harassment in a focused way. Young women will gain in confidence to challenge sexual and oppressive behaviour. Originality/value This paper gives a voice to young people to discuss an issue, sexual harassment, that is addressed to varying degrees in the countries involved. The competition for young people to produce posters led to some amazing creative ideas.

The SNP and ‘Five Continuing Unions’

2020 ◽  
pp. 148-167
Author(s):  
David Torrance
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
British Empire ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
National Party ◽  
The European Union ◽  
National Authority ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
Scottish Government ◽  
The Uk

This chapter flips the book’s analysis and looks at the ‘unionism’ of the Scottish National Party, which after 1942 supported the secession of Scotland from the UK. A speech made by Alex Salmond in 2013 is used as a means of examining different strands of the party’s unionism following its formation in 1934. First was the SNP’s attachment to some form of supra-national authority, initially the British Empire and later the European Union; second was defence co-operation via NATO; third was a form of monetary union as advocated by the Scottish Government during the 2012-14 referendum campaign; fourth was a long-standing SNP commitment to the 1603 Union of the Crowns, or retention of the Queen as head of state in an independent Scotland; and fifth was what Alex Salmond called a ‘social union’ between the ‘peoples of these islands’.

2015 and all that

2016 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-121
Author(s):  
Owen Dudley Edwards
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Present Situation ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
National Party ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
Late Nineteenth ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish History ◽  
First Time

The UK General Election of 2015, in which the Scottish National Party won 56 of the 59 seats, is likely to be a landmark in Scottish history. Moreover, for the first time since 1886, the victor in the predominant country in the Union – the Conservative Party in England – seemed to gain electoral victory in part by hostility to one of the partners of the Union. The article discusses the origins of this electoral tsunami. The immediate origin of the SNP landslide commenced with the disillusion with Scottish Liberalism, but its main victim was the Scottish Labour Party, seemingly fatally damaged by its alliance with the Conservatives during the campaign for a No vote in the 2014 referendum on Scottish independence. But whoever lost the election of 2015, it was won by Nicola Sturgeon, setting an example of civil debate untarnished by Westminster politics. Analogies with the politics of Ireland in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century cast helpful light on the present situation.

scholarly journals Researching Ngā Kōti Rangatahi – Youth Courts on Marae:

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stella Aroha Black ◽  
Jacquie Kidd ◽  
Katey Thom ◽  
Alice Mills ◽  
Tracey McIntosh ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Young People ◽  
Legal System ◽  
Academic Research ◽  
Legal Concept ◽  
Building Relationships ◽  
Plural Form ◽  
European Settlement ◽  
Kaupapa Māori ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Right

Abstract Researching in a complex-cultured space that exists to help vulnerable young people has illuminated both tensions and rare insights for our research team. The project aimed to explore Ngā Kōti Rangatahi,[1] which are youth courts that take place on marae (tribal meeting places). The focus of this paper is the preliminary work spanning five years  that needed to take place to ensure the protection of young people and for the research to find its place within, between and across spaces occupied by Māori,[2] the pākehā[3] legal system and both pākehā and Māori academic research conventions. The work we needed to do before we could begin the work of researching included doing the work of forming the right team, whakawhanaungatanga (building relationships), making time for kanohi kitea hui (face to face meetings) and the development of the research questions. At the same time, we attempted to walk two paths cognisant of the need of doing things the right way. One was exacting and was based on meeting the orthodox written legal, ethical and academic requirements to conduct research. The other, can be viewed as  pragmatic and its unwritten less structured and rule like approach more flexible and adaptable but equally exacting in determining how marae engagement and consultation should be carried out (Gallagher 2008). This paper offers insights into the strengths and challenges of developing a uniquely kaupapa Maori methodology for conducting research within a marae domain when it is occupied by a foreign legal concept.   [1] Ngā is the plural form of te meaning the, for the purpose of this paper ngā refers a sample of Kōti Rangatahi marae sites researched in this project (n=4). The use of Te can refer to a single rangatahi court or all fourteen currently in operation, the use of te will depend on the context. [2] Māori are the indigenous people of Aotearoa New Zealand. [3]We struggled to find the right word to describe the legal system. It is based on the Parliamentary system which was introduced at the time of European settlement and is largely consistent with the systems in place in the UK and Australia. We considered western and dominant as descriptors, but ultimately decided to use pākehā, the Māori term to describe non-Māori peoples. This was a political as well as a pragmatic decision as we grappled with privilege, domination and colonisation in our research space.

scholarly journals Finding a niche? Challenger parties and issue emphasis in the 2015 televised leaders’ debates

2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 807-823 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nicholas Allen ◽  
Judith Bara ◽  
John Bartle
Keyword(s):  
Text Analysis ◽  
National Party ◽  
Green Party ◽  
Theoretical Understanding ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Plaid Cymru ◽  
Niche Strategy ◽  
Issue Emphasis

Do leaders of ‘challenger’ parties adopt a ‘niche’ strategy in national televised debates? This article answers this question by analysing the content of the two multiparty televised leaders’ debates that took place ahead of the 2015 British general election. Using computer-aided text analysis (CATA), it provides reliable and valid measures of what the leaders said in both debates and develops our theoretical understanding of how challenger-party leaders make their pitches. It finds that the UK Independence Party (UKIP), Green Party, Scottish National Party (SNP) and Plaid Cymru leaders all demonstrated a degree of ‘nicheness’ in their contributions in comparison with the Conservative, Liberal Democrat and Labour leaders. It also finds that the challenger-party leaders placed a greater emphasis on their core concerns. Nevertheless, the debates covered much policy ground. Their structure obliged all party leaders to talk about a broad range of issues.

scholarly journals Whatever Happened to the Progressive Case for the Union? How Scottish Labour’s Failure to Subsume a Clearly Left of Centre Identity with a Pro-Union One Helps to Explain Its Decline

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kieran Wright
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Party ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
Scottish Parliament ◽  
Multi Level ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Constitutional Issue

Abstract This article presents an original account of the tactical options available to political parties in multi-level settings. It applies that framework to the case of post-devolution Scotland via an analysis of First Minister’s Questions sessions in the Scottish Parliament. It shows how Scottish Labour adopted a less left-leaning justification for its stance on the constitutional issue in the years after the party lost power at Holyrood to the Scottish National Party. Consequently, the party failed to present itself as a clearly left of centre alternative to the SNP and downplayed the progressive case for Scotland remaining in the UK.

Re-uniting families in the chaos of the refugee crisis: medico-legal assessment of unaccompanied refugee minors in the Calais Jungle (mental health and legal perspectives)

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 187-194
Author(s):  
Jacob Ellis ◽  
Susannah Fairweather ◽  
Mark Scott ◽  
Laura Griffiths
Keyword(s):  
Mental Health ◽  
Young People ◽  
Mental Health Professionals ◽  
Refugee Crisis ◽  
Unaccompanied Refugee Minors ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Legal Assessment ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Refugee Minors

Purpose In total, 90,000 of the 1.26 million people applying for asylum in the EU in 2015 were unaccompanied children. The Dublin III Regulations provided a unique legal situation where unaccompanied young people in the Calais Jungle potentially had the right to be reunited with family in the UK. The purpose of this paper is to explore the substantial challenges presented by carrying out medico-legal assessment of this group in the Calais Jungle. Design/methodology/approach The authors consider the refugee crisis from a mental health and legal perspective. The authors provide two case examples to contextualise and describe the work. The authors draw from the observations and the literature to discuss the impact of living in the Calais Jungle on young people, the challenges the authors overcame to carry out the assessments and the needs of refugees following settling in the UK. Findings The authors conclude that the Calais Jungle was a toxic environment not suitable for young refugees’ continued emotional development or recovery from trauma. The current legal process to relocate a young person to the UK is time consuming and labour intensive. The authors note that these concerns are not unique to the Jungle, nor have they ended with its demolition. The difficulties young refugees face with mental illness continues following their arrival to the UK. Originality/value This was the first successful attempt since the Dublin III Regulations to seek a legal route to bring unaccompanied refugee minors from France to the UK. This paper was co-written by both the legal and mental health professionals involved in the cases providing a broad opinion across both disciplines.

UK election will complicate Brexit process

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Prime Minister ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
Labour Party ◽  
General Election ◽  
National Party ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Modest Increase ◽  
Scottish National Party ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Theresa May

Significance The result is a stunning setback for Prime Minister Theresa May. The Conservative Party secured a notably larger share of the vote, but it was outpaced by the Labour Party, which achieved a much larger increase. The Scottish National Party (SNP) suffered substantial losses to both the Conservatives (which had been expected) and to Labour (which had not). The Liberal Democrats managed only a modest increase in their representation. Impacts If Sinn Fein once more refuses to take its seats at Westminster, a Conservative-DUP accord would command a slim but not unstable majority. If May survives she will be much less dominant and have to adopt a more collegial style. In different circumstances, the obvious solution might be a second general election in relatively short order. With the UK economy showing signs of slowing, however, the Conservative Party may be reluctant to risk that option.

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