scholarly journals Spiritual Reformation and Engagement with the World: Scandinavian Mission, Humanitarianism, and Armenians in the Ottoman Empire, 1905–1914

Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Anna Shapoval

Analysis of linguocultural aspect of temporal nominations is impossible without involving the problems of hrononymic lexics. Chrononyms is an important information resource of a certain linguaculture, some distinctive peculiarities of conceptual picture of the world. The aim of the experimental analysis is a complex examination of the linguacultural aspect of temporal nominations that function in Chinese and Turkish languages reflecting the concepts of the world. The research was based on the material of the novels “Imperial woman” by Pearl Buck and “Roxolana” by Pavlo Zagrebelniy. The analysis of recent scientific publications allowed us to come to the conclusion that the investigation of hrononymic lexics can involve different theoretical and practical principles. Being guided by the existing classifications of chrononyms (N. Podolskaya, M. Torchinsky, S. Remmer) the linguocultural features of the following types of temporal chrononymic lexical units were identified and studied in the research: georthonyms, dynastic chrononyms, tumultonyms, parsonyms and mensonyms. The results of the research demonstrate that not all lexical units of temporal denotation chosen from the above mentioned novels refer to the class of chrononyms. The group under investigation includes the following lexemes: nominations of the lunar calendar, nominations of the solar calendar, nominations of mixed calendar and temporal slots denoting day and night. The basic system of chronology in the linguiacultures under analysis is the dominance of the lunar calendar nominations (Chinese picture of the world — 51,0 %, Turkish — 40,4 %). In the analyzed works the nominations of the solar calendar are used less often in the Chinese picture of the world; the usage of this unit reaches 20 %, and this phenomenon is historically conditioned. Mixed calendar nominations (21 % of temporal units) are rather common, solar calendar nominations are refined by the monthly calendar; it can be explained by the fact that the Chinese mind is conservative towards the new temporal system. In the Turkish picture of the world 45 % of temporal vocabulary belongs to the solar calendar since in the sixteenth century only a lunar calendar operated in the Ottoman Empire. It should be mentioned that significant place in the temporal vocabulary of “Roxolana” is conditioned by the influence of the linguistic personality of the author, who was a Ukrainian.


Author(s):  
H. R. Jabbarinasir

The article studies factors of transformation of political Islam and reasons for its “tightening” in the modern context. On the basis of the ideas of social constructivism, the author traces the main milestones in the evolution of political Islam and the formation of its radical branches that orient towards violence and terrorism. The article examines nine mega-events that ultimately determined the specifics of the modern union of Islam and poli tics — the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, the Islamic revolution in Iran, the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, the collapse of the Soviet Union, the September 11 attacks (2001), the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime, the “Arab Spring”, and the establishment of political Islam with a “Turkish face”. The author demonstrates that after the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islam began to gradually transform from the social phenomenon into the world-political factor. Initially, this tendency was observed in the intellectual and ideological spheres, but then penetrated practical politics. The article identifies four models of modern political Islam — Shiite, Salafi-jihadist, Takfirist-jihadist and moderate political Islam. According to the author’s conclusion, the attitude towards violence within these models is largely determined by the peculiarities of the formation, geographic ambitions and goals of the respective branches. The Shiite branch of political Islam that has established in Iran justifies violence for solving defensive tasks and appeals mainly to the categories of justice and protection of the oppressed. Salafijihadist and Takfirist groups, in essence, see violence as a key instrument for implementing the commandments of Allah and rebuilding the world on the principles of Sharia. The moderate political Islam (as shown by analyzing the case of Turkey) completely rejects violence, and religion remains largely a social phenomenon, although it is used for political purposes, in particular, to attract the electorate. On the basis of his analysis, the author comes to the conclusion that the idea of violence as an inherent element of political Islam is erroneous, but at the same time he points out risks of the increasing significance of this factor.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Murk Lakhair ◽  
Ishrat Afshan Abbasi

The research explores the emergence of republic of turkey and its way of gaining the position from the central power to the emerging world power. Turkey in reality initiated to get the dominant position over region and influence over world after president Erdogan came into power whose pro-Islamic based policies brought many reforms in domestic and foreign policies.. In the war torn region president Erdogan policies has balanced the position of country in the region. The objectives of this research are to explore the facts about the Turkey’s way to the Neo-Ottoman Empire and its influence over international powers. This research also unfolds the changes in the global politics after Turkey’s position as a symbolic challenge for the world super and major powers. The research concerns with three main questions that are, how Turkey got significant position after many domestic and regional challenges? How president Erdogan would accomplish his future ambitions of Neo-Ottoman Empire and the last question refers to the post-Lausanne scenario in global politics. The research also provides the analysis over the Turkey’s pre-preparations for her dominancy over region and the political and economic benefits to the Turkey after revival of Neo-Ottoman Empire.The research explores the emergence of republic of turkey and its way of gaining the position from the central power to the emerging world power. Turkey in reality initiated to get the dominant position over region and influence over world after president Erdogan came into power whose pro-Islamic based policies brought many reforms in domestic and foreign policies.. In the war torn region president Erdogan policies has balanced the position of country in the region. The objectives of this research are to explore the facts about the Turkey’s way to the Neo-Ottoman Empire and its influence over international powers. This research also unfolds the changes in the global politics after Turkey’s position as a symbolic challenge for the world super and major powers. The research concerns with three main questions that are, how Turkey got significant position after many domestic and regional challenges? How president Erdogan would accomplish his future ambitions of Neo-Ottoman Empire and the last question refers to the post-Lausanne scenario in global politics. The research also provides the analysis over the Turkey’s pre-preparations for her dominancy over region and the political and economic benefits to the Turkey after revival of Neo-Ottoman Empire.


2020 ◽  
pp. 13-42
Author(s):  
Radhika Singha

This chapter assesses the key role of the non-combatant or follower ranks in the history of sub-imperial drives exerted across the land and sea frontiers of India. The reliance of the War Office upon combatant and non-combatant detachments from the Indian Army, used in combination with units of the British Army, left an imprint upon the first consolidated Indian Army Act of 1911. From 1914 the inter-regional contests of the Government of India for territory and influence, such as those running along the Arabian frontiers of the Ottoman empire, folded into global war. Nevertheless the despatch of an Indian Expeditionary Force to Europe in August 1914 disrupted raced imaginaries of the world order. The second less publicized exercise was the sending of Indian Labor Corps and of humble horse and mule drivers to France in 1917-18. The colour bar imposed by the Dominions on Indian settlers had begun to complicate the utilisation of Indian labor and Indian troops on behalf of empire. Over 1919-21, as global conflict segued back into imperial militarism, a strong critique emerged in India against the unilateral deployment of Indian troops and military labor, on fiscal grounds, in protest against their use to suppress political life in India and to condemn the international order which their use sustained.


Author(s):  
Vanda Wilcox

Italy’s First World War is usually remembered and studied as a national conflict from 1915 to 1918. Instead, this book proposes an imperial framework to examine Italian aims, policies, and actions from 1911 to 1923. In particular, it traces four key strands through this period: Italy’s imperial and colonial aims in its wars against the Ottoman Empire and Austria-Hungary; combat operations within its colonies; the global war effort including Italian emigrants around the world; and the Italian racial and colonial mentalities which underpinned these war efforts. After summarizing the key historiographical debates, particularly over liberal and fascist foreign policy and imperialism, this chapter outlines the structure and organization of the book.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 246-252
Author(s):  
Gonca Z. Tuncbilek

Even in the twenty-first century, pandemics lead to a particular kind of spatial organization, such as quarantine. The outbreak of the contamination era re-justifies the medicalization of spaces. Throughout history, there have been several attempts to design spaces for contagious diseases and pandemic situations all over the world—quarantine islands, lazarettos, and healthcare architecture. In the nineteenth century, the first quarantine procedures started in the Ottoman Empire, and Urla-Izmir (Smyrna) island was established as one of the examples of the quarantine system. This study investigates the architecture organization of the quarantine island as an example of a “panoptic” space.


Author(s):  
Nan Goodman

This book traces the emergence of a sense of kinship with and belonging to a larger, more inclusive world within the law and literature of late seventeenth-century Puritanism. Connected to this cosmopolitanism in part through travel, trade, and politics, late seventeenth-century Puritans, it is argued, were also thinking in terms that went beyond these parameters about what it meant to feel affiliated with people in remote places—of which the Ottoman Empire is the best, but not the only example—and to experience what Bruce Robbins calls “attachment at a distance.” In this way Puritan writers and readers were not simply learning about others but also cultivating an awareness of themselves as “stand[ing] in an ethically significant relation” to people all around the world. The underlying source of these cosmopolitan predilections was the law, specifically the law of nations, often considered the precursor to international law. Through the terms for sovereignty, obligation, and society made available by a turn toward the cosmopolitan within the law, the Puritans experimented with concepts of extended obligation and ideas about a society consisting of all humans, not just those living on certain trade routes or within certain foreign communities. In mapping out these thought experiments, The Puritan Cosmopolis uncovers Puritans who were reconceptualizing war, contemplating new ways of cultivating peace, and rewriting the rules for being Puritan by internalizing legal theories about living in a larger, more inclusive world.


2007 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 130-133
Author(s):  
Nelly Hanna
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