Who Represents Hungarian Women? The Demise Of The Liberal Bourgeois Women’s Rights Movement And The Rise Of The Right-Wing Women’s Movement In The Aftermath Of World War I

2011 ◽  
pp. 245-264 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Women's Rights Movement ◽  
The Right

scholarly journals Problems facing the Women's Movement in Lebanon: Interview with Lawyer Laure Moghaizel

1970 ◽  
pp. 19-20
Author(s):  
David Linvingstone
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Founding Member ◽  
Women's Rights Movement ◽  
Right To Vote

Laure Moghaizel has been involved in the women's rights movement in Lebanon since the late 1940s when she was still a student of law. She began by fighting for women's right to vote. Today, she is a founding member of the Lebanese Association of Human Rights and heads the legal committee. Maitre Moghaizel spoke to David Livingstone on the problems facing the women's movement.

The "Kunstgewerbe", the "Werkbund", and the Aesthetics of Culture in the Wilhelmine Period

1994 ◽  
Vol 53 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Jarzombek
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Final Solution ◽  
World War ◽  
German Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
Great Responsibility ◽  
Cultural Aesthetics ◽  
The Right ◽  
First Time

Joseph Goebbels' famous claim about the connection between politics and art in his letter to Wilhelm Furtwängler in 1933 epitomizes Nazi theories concerning the cultural benefits of art. In it he attempts both to legitimize and cunningly obscure an underlying reactionary agenda: We who are giving form to modern German politics, see ourselves as artists to whom has been assigned the great responsibility of forming, from out of the brute mass, the solid and full image of the people. Though there are many studies of post-World War I cultural aesthetics, especially in the context of Hitler's final solution, little has been done to trace that concept back to its nonreactionary, Wilhelmine roots. This paper, which looks at the discourse on cultural aesthetics as it emerged in the first decade of the twentieth century, also challenges some received notions about the Werkbund, an organization of artists, architects, and industrialists founded in 1907. With the Werkbund, the utopian potential of cultural aesthetics that emerged in the context of liberal bourgeois theory long before it was co-opted by the right wing revealed itself for the first time as a powerful instrument of cultural definition. This paper will also discuss some of the early formulators of Wilhelmine cultural aesthetics in various disciplines, Karl Scheffler (art critic), Heinrich Waentig (economist), Hermann Muthesius (architect), and Georg Fuchs (playwright), among others.

scholarly journals The Women's Movement and Indonesia's Transition to Democracy

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rachel Rinaldo
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
Interesting Case ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Key Factors ◽  
Religious Conservatism ◽  
Women's Rights Movement ◽  
History Of ◽  
Movement Mobilization

Indonesia is an especially interesting case study for democratization and women’s empowerment because it is one of the few Muslim majority democracies and has a long history of women’s mobilization. A vibrant and diverse Indonesian women’s movement arose in the 1990s and played an important role in the democracy movement. Since then, women’s rights activists have achieved some crucial reforms, but have also confronted unprecedented and complex challenges—notably, the rise of religious conservatism. This chapter examines how the Indonesian women’s rights movement has fared with the advent of democratization. While democratization in Indonesia has produced important gains for women’s rights, it has also empowered conservative activists who oppose much of the agenda of the women’s rights movement. Women’s rights activists have had difficulty responding to this challenge because of ideological divisions and lack of a mass base, and because the state has been increasingly willing to defer to conservative forces. In short, the key factors for the fate of women’s rights activism during Indonesia’s democratization have been the patterns of women’s mobilization, the strength of counter-movement mobilization, and political decentralization—all of which have been shaped by pre-transition political legacies. The experience of activists in Indonesia suggests that the recent literature on democratization and women’s rights would benefit from greater consideration of how and when democratization processes can empower illiberal actors, counter-movements, and/or backlash against women’s rights.

5. Socialist and Revisionist Zionisms, 1917–1939

2016 ◽  
pp. 44-50
Author(s):  
Michael Stanislawski
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Jewish Community ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Nationalist Movement ◽  
The World ◽  
British Policy ◽  
The Right ◽  
Mandate System

Britain gained control over Palestine in the “mandate” system created by the League of Nations after the debacle of the World War I. “Socialist and revisionist Zionisms, 1917–1937” outlines the rise in Palestine of the socialist Zionist parties—both the Marxist Zionists and the Utopian Zionists—and their virtual monopoly over the basic institutions of the Jewish community in Palestine. It also describes the right-wing Revisionist Zionism and its founder, Vladimir Jabotinsky. The reversal of British policy on Palestine and its proposal for the partition of the country into Jewish and Arab states was met with opposition by most of the Zionist groups, as well as the Palestinian nationalist movement.

Left-wing generation, right-wing generation. Ivan Meshekov and Ernst Jünger (preliminary notes)

Proglas ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Vladimir Sabourin ◽  
◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Literary Critic ◽  
Left Wing ◽  
World War ◽  
Lost Generation ◽  
Black Sheep ◽  
The Right

This article is an introduction to the comparison between the constituting of the “left-wing generation” of the Bulgarian literary critic Ivan Meshekov (1891–1970) and the “right-wing generation” of the German writer Ernst Jünger (1895–1998) in the frontline experience of World War I. Both authors are emblematic figures of the leftwing and the right-wing intellectual spheres respectively, being, at the same time, black sheep in their own political camp. In the well-grounded existential and conceptual temerity of decisions which led them to a categorical generational binding of the aesthetical with the political, Ivan Meshekov and Ernst Jünger are shown to be brothers in arms in a decesionistic situation of the “lost generation” which seeks and finds itself (or finds death) on the battlefields of World War I.

scholarly journals Christianity and Abortion Rights

2021 ◽  
pp. 155-182
Author(s):  
Rohini Hensman
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Catholic Church ◽  
Human Life ◽  
Religious Fundamentalism ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Reproductive Justice ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Abortion Rights ◽  
The Right

The struggle for abortion rights continues to rage in the 21st century. On one side feminists, who see it as part of the struggle to establish a woman’s right to control her own body, and a wider constituency, who deplore the injury and death resulting from the lack of access to safe abortions, have campaigned energetically for abortion rights. On the other side, various religious fundamentalists have put pressure on states to block any expansion of rights and even take away existing rights. Prominent among the anti-abortion forces are the Roman Catholic establishment and right-wing Evangelical sects. Unable to find any prohibition of abortion in the scriptures, they have relied on the prohibition of murder, arguing that a fertilised ovum constitutes a human life, and therefore its destruction constitutes murder. This extreme anti-abortion position too finds no support in the Bible: indeed, even the Catholic church adopted it only in the latter part of the 19th century, and among Evangelicals it is much more recent, suggesting that it is part of the right-wing fundamentalist backlash against struggles for women’s rights. Progressive Christians have been among those fighting for reproductive justice. Their arguments are compatible with the feminist position that having a baby should be a matter of choice, and that those who care for children should do so out of love, not compulsion. Thus reproductive justice is not only a matter of securing the right of women to make decisions about their bodies and their lives, but also a matter of securing the right of children to be loved and wanted. Keywords: abortion, feminism, Christianity, religious fundamentalism, women’s rights, children’s rights.

GENDER ISSUES IN THE ANTI-IMMIGRANT AGENDA OF EUROPEAN RADICAL RIGHT

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 72-80
Author(s):  
EKATERINA BURMISTROVA ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Women's Rights ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Radical Right ◽  
Women’S Rights ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Way Of Life ◽  
Theoretical Substantiation ◽  
European Values ◽  
The Veil ◽  
The Right

An attempt to show the role of women's rights in the anti-immigrant agenda of European radical right has been undertaken in the article. The author addresses to representative trends of modern right-wing radicals in Europe. The concept of «Eurabia» and the theory of Great Replacement are used as the theoretical substantiation of the anti-migrant views of right-wing radicals. The main message of these theories is related to the fact that the decline in the birth rate in Europe, combined with the increase in migrant flows, will lead to the replacement of European politics and lifestyle with Islamic values. Radical right emphasize that the European way of life and values are fundamentally incompatible with the Muslim way of life. Moreover, within the framework of the policy of modernizing their image, right-wing radicals complement the concept of «traditional European values», which they have always defended, with «liberal» values of women's emancipation. Thus, right-wing radicals are forming the image of European enemy - a patriarchal Muslim migrant. To recreate this portrait and to identify the main features of the rhetoric of right-wing radicals regarding the threat of a migrant invasion of female emancipation, the author addresses party programs, political posters, interviews with party leaders, media materials and right-wing radical news portals. Special attention is paid to the debate about the right to wear the veil - the main pressure point for the European right, for whom veil is a kind of «banner» of Islam. The foregoing allows concluding that, on the one hand, the use of the women's rights expands the range of arguments of right-wing radicals against European migration policy, and on the other hand, it allows radical right to establish themselves as defenders of women's rights associated with human rights as the main European value.

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