scholarly journals Rosyjskie skrótowce porewolucyjne w pierwszych radzieckich słownikach dwujęzycznych

2015 ◽  
Vol 34 ◽  
pp. 73-87
Author(s):  
Jolanta Mędelska
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Russian Language ◽  
World War ◽  
Characteristic Type ◽  
Specific Language ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Revolutionary Period

Russian post-revolutionary abbreviations in the first bilingual Russian dictionariesThe process of real expansion of abbreviations started at the end of 19th century and it developed tremendously in 20th century. The process of creating abbreviations in Russian became active after World War I and suddenly became widespread particularly in the post-revolutionary period. At that time abbreviations were created spontaneously and in a disorganized way, yet numerous creations were commonly used. The period of time during which they were used was usually short, compare: ОСОАВИАХИМ (= Общество содействия обороне, авиации и химическому строительству). In most cases they were names of political parties, combat, revolutionary, social and other organizations, for instance: волисполком, военкомат, ревком. This characteristic type of Russian lexis was very troublesome for Polish intellectuals who were trying to code the Polish Russian language, i.e. specific, language code with many Russian and Soviet idioms that was used by the Polish living in the Soviet Union during the post-revolutionary period. Attempts to standardize abbreviations were reflected in translation dictionaries (Polish-Russian and Russian-Polish) published in Moscow in the 30s of 20th century. Русские послереволюционные аббревиатуры в первых советских двуязычных словаряхПроцесс настоящей экспансии аббревиатур начался в конце XIX столетия и продолжался, продвигаясь большими темпами, в ХХ веке. В русском языке аббревиация сильно активизировалась после первой мировой войы, особенно бурно распространялась в ранний послереволюционный период. В то время аббревиатуры образовались спонтанно, стихийно, неупорядоченно, но – несмотря на это – многие подобные образования попадали в общенародный обиход. Как правило, их жизнь быстро обрывалась, ср. ОСОАВИАХИМ (= Общество содействия обороне, авиации и химическому строительству). В основном это были названия политических партий, боевых, революционных, общественных и др. организаций, напр.: волисполком, военкомат, ревком. Этот характерный слой русской лексики доставлял много хлопот польским интеллигентам, пытавшимся кодифицировать советский польский язык, этот особый, сильнорусифицированный и советизированный языковой код, используемый поляками, проживавшими в СССР в межвоенный период. Попытки нормализовать образования аббревиатурного типа нашли отражение в переводных словарях (польско-русском и русско-польском), выпущенных в Москве в 30-е годы ХХ в.

Eastern Europe in the Global History of Decolonization

2018 ◽  
pp. 350-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Mark ◽  
Quinn Slobodian
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New States ◽  
History Of ◽  
European Colonialism ◽  
The Cold War

This chapter places Eastern Europe into a broader history of decolonization. It shows how the region’s own experience of the end of Empire after the World War I led its new states to consider their relationships with both European colonialism and those were struggling for their future liberation outside their continent. Following World War II, as Communist regimes took power in Eastern Europe, and overseas European Empires dissolved in Africa and Asia, newly powerful relationships developed. Analogies between the end of empire in Eastern Europe and the Global South, though sometimes tortured and riddled with their own blind spots, were nonetheless potent rhetorical idioms, enabling imagined solidarities and facilitating material connections in the era of the Cold War and non-alignment. After the demise of the so-called “evil empire” of the Soviet Union, analogies between the postcolonial and the postcommunist condition allowed for further novel equivalencies between these regions to develop.

Letters from Kapitza to his mother, 1921-27

1988 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-228 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Young Children ◽  
Good Thing ◽  
World War ◽  
Technical Institute ◽  
The West ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Peter Kapitza

Peter Kapitza (1894—1984) came to England as a member of a Soviet mission sent to renew scientific relations with the West after the upheavals of World War I, the Revolution and the Civil War. He had recently suffered the tragic loss of his wife, their two young children and his father in the epidemics that raged in the Soviet Union at that time. It was partly to distract him from his grief that he was invited to join the mission, and A. F. Joffé, who had been his chief at the Physico-Technical Institute in Petrograd, thought it would be a good thing for him to get some first-hand experience of the latest research techniques by spending the winter in a leading physics laboratory in the West. Eventually, Rutherford agreed to have him in the Cavendish and Kapitza made such an impression by his originality and experimental skill that he was encouraged to extend his stay.

scholarly journals Analysis of the population dynamics in the “Slavic World” with a special focus on Russia

2020 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 317
Author(s):  
Nina N. Loginova ◽  
Milan M. Radovanović ◽  
Anatoliy A. Yamashkin ◽  
Goran Vasin ◽  
Marko D. Petrović ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Modern Society ◽  
Original Data ◽  
Cultural Analysis ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Relationship

Population changes of the Russians and other Slavs are an important original indicator of demographic, economic, political, and cultural analysis of over 300 million Slavic inhabitants in Central, Eastern, and Southeastern Europe. The indicators are conditioned by the large number of people executed in World War I and World War II, significant economic migrations, the disintegration of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia. Utilizing data from official reports, the authors proceed to analyze the demographic tendencies in order to find out the relationship between modern demographic trends and political and economic events over the past years. The results showed that economic and demographic stagnation, which favor religious and national (ethnic) ambivalence, influence the strengthening of groups ethnically isolated or religiously differentiated in the observed macroregions of Eurasia. The contemporary challenges of modern society in terms of global politics (e.g. terrorism and migrations) will be more pronounced and turbulent in these areas. For these reasons, the original data represent an important segment of the study of Slavic history, demography, and politics throughout the turbulent 20th century and the beginning of the new millennium.   

The War in the Historical Memory of Nations

2015 ◽  
pp. 65-76
Author(s):  
N. V. Pavlov
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Important Work ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Gene Level ◽  
Great Patriotic War ◽  
Second World

There is no doubt that the most important event of the 20th century was a joint victory of the united front of peoples and states over German fascism. For some that was the victory in the Second World War. For the Russians - the victory in the Great Patriotic War which cost the Soviet Union incredible efforts, enormous sacrifices and material losses. Now when we celebrate the 70thyear since that epoch-making date we turn our attention once more to the lessons of history because the memory of the war has been imprinted deeply on our gene level of Russians and Germans. This is because every family from both sides sustained heavy losses. This memory is alive in literature, in movies and plays, songs, in memorials, biographies and historical dates. The Russian and German descendants of those who fought against each other are doing an important work searching for the killed, looking after the burial places, compensating the damage to the victims of this inhuman massacre, trying to understand critically our common and controversial past. What was the 9th of May for the Germans and the Russians in the perception of Germans and Russians? Was it a victory, a defeat or liberation? This is what the author of the article reflects on, convinced that we are anyway dealing with the greatest event of the 20th century, at least because it prevented the end of civilization.

The New Aesthetic of the Late Nineteen Twenties Reconsidering the Periodization of the Interwar Avant-Gardes

2020 ◽  
Vol 61 (1) ◽  
pp. 201-216
Author(s):  
Éva Forgács
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
World War ◽  
Nineteen Twenties ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Historical Literature ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Short Time

AbstractThe avant-gardes of the nineteen twenties are discussed in the art historical literature as the art products of a rarely upbeat decade, which featured great utopian aspirations and progressive art between the wake of World War I and the Nazi takeover in Germany, as well as the consolidation of Stalinism in the Soviet Union. This essay depicts the decade as being far from a homogenous period, demonstrating that the early internationalism and sense of unlimited possibilities gave way, in or around 1923, to less idealistic, more pragmatic views and practices in even the avant-garde. If examined in this framework, the reception of avant-garde artists and works in the late 1920s that had been enthusiastically embraced in the first years of the decade, was understandably cooler. Professional eminence was overwriting great ideas. The lack of the earlier fervor had disappeared, not because the art was worse, but on account of the new Zeitgeist that brought about the new moral idea of utilitarianism, requiring that the artists be, first of all, of use to the community. Several artists and art writers suddenly turned against those ideas and art that they had only a short time earlier held in the highest esteem.

German Documents in the United States

2008 ◽  
Vol 41 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-567 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gerhard L. Weinberg
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Joint Control ◽  
Nazi Party ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Foreign Office

At the end of World War II, vast quantities of German documents had fallen into the hands of the Allies either during hostilities or in the immediately following weeks. Something will be said near the end of this report about the archives captured or seized by the Soviet Union; the emphasis here will be on those that came into the possession of the Western Allies. The United States and Great Britain made agreements for joint control and exploitation, of which the most important was the Bissell-Sinclair agreement named for the intelligence chiefs who signed it. The German naval, foreign office, and chancellery archives were to be physically located in England, while the military, Nazi Party, and related files were to come to the United States. Each of the two countries was to be represented at the site of the other's holdings, have access to the files, and play a role in decisions about their fate. The bulk of those German records that came to the United States were deposited in a section of a World War I torpedo factory in Alexandria, Virginia, which had been made into the temporary holding center for the World War II records of the American army and American theater commands. In accordance with the admonition to turn swords into plowshares, the building is now an artists' boutique.

Institutional Choice and Democratic Consolidation: The Experience of the Russian Successor States, 1918-19391

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 307-320 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Kendall Metcalf
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Democratic Consolidation ◽  
Institutional Choice ◽  
World War ◽  
American Experience ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
New States ◽  
Democratic Failure

The breakup of the Soviet Union led to the emergence of 15 states which are trying to create democratic institutions. Based on Latin American experience, most analysts argue that the combination of presidentialism and proportional representation leads to democratic failure. Yet few of the Soviet successor states have chosen pure parliamentarism. I argue that the experience of the post World War I Russian successor states provides a better framework for examining the democratization of these new states because they were trying to build democracy under similar conditions. Their experience indicates that the choice of PR and semi-presidentialism does not necessarily doom democracy.

scholarly journals Vasutasok és a szovjet megszállók

2019 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 43-62
Author(s):  
Gergely Péterffy
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Economic System ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
World War ◽  
World War 2 ◽  
Railway Tracks ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Red Army ◽  
Complex Picture

At the end of World War 2, it took more than a half year for the Red Army to occupy Hungary. Following the negotiations in Tehran and Yalta, Hungary joined the socialist camp led by Moscow. Therefore, thousands of cases of pillage, rape and murder committed by Soviet soldiers could not be articulated in the official historiography, Russian troops could only be mentioned in a positive context within any publication. After the collapse of the Soviet Union the above-mentioned policy on historiography changed, and several books, articles and reminiscences were published on the Soviet crimes against the population. The aim of this study is present the types of connection between the Russian soldiers and the railwaymen from the beginning of the occupation to the end of the monetary stabilization in 1946. In the first half of the 20th century, the railway was the backbone of Hungary’s economy. Without the railway – due to the lack of roads and automobiles – the economic system would have totally collapsed. The Russians were aware of the importance of the railway, hence as the front moved on, they ordered the citizens and railwaymen to reconstruct the railway tracks as fast as they could. To achieve a complex picture on the connection between soldiers and railwaymen, we need to focus on not only the negative, but the positive cases as well.

scholarly journals The political and diplomatic relations between Lithuania and Romania (1935-1940)

2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-33
Author(s):  
Dalia Bukelevičiūtė
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
The Political ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
World War ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Set Up

The first contacts between Lithuanian and Romanian representatives started after the World War I when Lithuania was looking for the protection of her inhabitants who were still refugees in Russia. As Russia became entrenched with Bolshevism, the Lithuanian citizens were evacuated through Romanian territory from South Ukraine and Crimea. Lithuania and Czechoslovakia established diplomatic relations in December 1919 and eventually an attempt was made to set up ties also with Romania. As a member of the Little Entente and an ally of Poland, Romania drew the attention of the Lithuanian government. Romania recognized Lithuania de jure on August 21, 1924 and Dovas Zaunius was appointed the first Lithuanian envoy to Bucharest. Nevertheless, during the next decade no political or diplomatic contacts between Lithuania and Romania existed. With the growing influence of Germany, the Soviet Union and the Little Entente on the international arena, Edvardas Turauskas was appointed on August 27, 1935 as envoy to Romania residing in Prague and later in the year Romania accredited ConstantinValimarescu for the position of envoy to Lithuania residing in Riga. The dialogue between the two parties remained, however, occasional. When on July 21, 1940 Lithuania was occupied by Soviet Union, Turauskas visited the Romanian Legation in Bern and presented a note of protest in this respect. Romania did not acknowledge Lithuanian occupation and annexation.

Pan-Slavism and World War II

1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 699-722 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Kohn
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
World War I ◽  
Second World War ◽  
World War ◽  
German Occupation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The World ◽  
Second World

In spite of later claims that it had been the leader of the anti-fascist camp and of the Slav world from the beginning of the second World War, the Soviet Union followed a strictly Russian policy, neither anti-fascist nor Pan-Slav, from August, 1939, to June, 1941. This policy clearly foreshadowed a nationalist revival of the language and aspirations that had been most characteristic of Old Russia but were assumed to have been definitely buried in the ten November days of 1917 which shook the world. During these two years not the slightest sympathy for the Czechs and Poles suffering under German occupation was expressed. Indeed, although Leninist communism during World War I had conducted a violent defeatist propaganda compaign in both warring camps, the subversive communist propaganda that was resumed in 1939 was directed only against the democratic nations. “Moreover, officially, even ostentatiously, help was granted to the camp of fascism so that, from 1939 to 1941, the Soviet Union could be considered a non-belligerent partner of the Axis. From the policy of benevolent neutrality towards the Axis the Soviet Union was removed against its will. Circumstances made it an ally of the democracies. This change was performed reluctantly, only because no other choice was left.”

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