What Happens to Potential Discouraged? Masculinity Norms and the Contrasting Institutional and Labor Market Experiences of Less Affluent Black and White Men

2007 ◽  
Vol 609 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-180 ◽  
Author(s):  
Deirdre A. Royster
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
White Men ◽  
Black And White

Racial Differences in Men's Unemployment

ILR Review ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 451-463 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leslie S. Stratton
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Racial Differences ◽  
Labor Force Participation ◽  
Educational Level ◽  
Population Survey ◽  
Probability Function ◽  
White Men ◽  
Current Population Survey Data ◽  
Labor Market Conditions ◽  
Black And White

The author uses March 1990 Current Population Survey data to investigate the reasons for the long-standing gap between the unemployment levels of black and white men (which were about 11.8% and 4.8%, respectively, in 1990). An employment probability function that controls for labor force participation is estimated separately by race. The results indicate that only 20–40% of the differential can be explained by variables other than race that are typically associated with unemployment, such as educational level and local labor market conditions. The predicted differential appears to be greatest among younger, less-skilled men.

Labor Market Dropouts and Trends in the Wages of Black and White Men

ILR Review ◽  
2003 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 643-662 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chinhui Juhn
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Black Men ◽  
White Men ◽  
Black Workers ◽  
Average Wage ◽  
Simple Method ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Wage Convergence ◽  
Employment Rates ◽  
Job Prospects

There is continuing debate over whether and to what degree estimations of black-white wage convergence are biased because they leave labor market dropouts out of the picture. If a high proportion of blacks become discouraged and cease searching for jobs, and if those dropouts have, on average, poor job prospects, the average wage of black workers who remain in the labor market will be an upwardly biased estimate of the average wage across the population. This paper introduces a simple method of imputing wages to non-workers. When non-workers are accounted for in the calculations, real wage growth for prime age black men over the 1969–98 period is reduced approximately 40%, and black-white wage convergence is reduced by approximately one-third. The author finds that a source of bias as important as falling employment rates is the growing gap between wages of workers and potential wages of non-workers.

scholarly journals Wage and Occupational Differences between Black and White Men: Labor Market Discrimination in the Rural South

1978 ◽  
Vol 45 (1) ◽  
pp. 250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lewis H. Smith ◽  
Vernon M. Briggs ◽  
Brian Rungeling ◽  
James O. Smith
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
White Men ◽  
Rural South ◽  
Labor Market Discrimination ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Occupational Differences

Race and Unemployment: Labor Market Experiences of Black and White Men, 1968-1988

1995 ◽  
Vol 22 (3) ◽  
pp. 245-270 ◽  
Author(s):  
FRANKLIN D. WILSON ◽  
MARTA TIENDA ◽  
LAWRENCE WU
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
White Men ◽  
Black And White

scholarly journals The Tenuous Attachments of Working-Class Men

2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 211-228 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kathryn Edin ◽  
Timothy Nelson ◽  
Andrew Cherlin ◽  
Robert Francis
Keyword(s):  
South Carolina ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Child Support ◽  
Ethnic Difference ◽  
Metropolitan Areas ◽  
Ethnically Diverse ◽  
White Men ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Work Family ◽  
Diverse Groups

In this essay, we explore how working-class men describe their attachments to work, family, and religion. We draw upon in-depth, life history interviews conducted in four metropolitan areas with racially and ethnically diverse groups of working-class men with a high school diploma but no four-year college degree. Between 2000 and 2013, we deployed heterogeneous sampling techniques in the black and white working-class neighborhoods of Boston, Massachusetts; Charleston, South Carolina; Chicago, Illinois; and the Philadelphia/Camden area of Pennsylvania and New Jersey. We screened to ensure that each respondent had at least one minor child, making sure to include a subset potentially subject to a child support order (because they were not married to, or living with, their child's mother). We interviewed roughly even numbers of black and white men in each site for a total of 107 respondents. Our approach allows us to explore complex questions in a rich and granular way that allows unanticipated results to emerge. These working-class men showed both a detachment from institutions and an engagement with more autonomous forms of work, childrearing, and spirituality, often with an emphasis on generativity, by which we mean a desire to guide and nurture the next generation. We also discuss the extent to which this autonomous and generative self is also a haphazard self, which may be aligned with counterproductive behaviors. And we look at racial and ethnic difference in perceptions of social standing.

Trends in mortality among Black and White men with prostate cancer in Massachusetts and Pennsylvania: Race and neighborhood socioeconomic position

Cancer ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hari S. Iyer ◽  
Scarlett L. Gomez ◽  
Jarvis T. Chen ◽  
Quoc‐Dien Trinh ◽  
Timothy R. Rebbeck
Keyword(s):  
Prostate Cancer ◽  
Socioeconomic Position ◽  
White Men ◽  
Black And White

What Can Experimental Studies of Bias Tell Us About Real-World Group Disparities?

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-82
Author(s):  
Joseph Cesario
Keyword(s):  
Real World ◽  
Experimental Studies ◽  
White Men ◽  
Human Mind ◽  
Behavioral Differences ◽  
Social Categories ◽  
Systematic Testing ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Research Tradition ◽  
The Social

Abstract This article questions the widespread use of experimental social psychology to understand real-world group disparities. Standard experimental practice is to design studies in which participants make judgments of targets who vary only on the social categories to which they belong. This is typically done under simplified decision landscapes and with untrained decision makers. For example, to understand racial disparities in police shootings, researchers show pictures of armed and unarmed Black and White men to undergraduates and have them press "shoot" and "don't shoot" buttons. Having demonstrated categorical bias under these conditions, researchers then use such findings to claim that real-world disparities are also due to decision-maker bias. I describe three flaws inherent in this approach, flaws which undermine any direct contribution of experimental studies to explaining group disparities. First, the decision landscapes used in experimental studies lack crucial components present in actual decisions (Missing Information Flaw). Second, categorical effects in experimental studies are not interpreted in light of other effects on outcomes, including behavioral differences across groups (Missing Forces Flaw). Third, there is no systematic testing of whether the contingencies required to produce experimental effects are present in real-world decisions (Missing Contingencies Flaw). I apply this analysis to three research topics to illustrate the scope of the problem. I discuss how this research tradition has skewed our understanding of the human mind within and beyond the discipline and how results from experimental studies of bias are generally misunderstood. I conclude by arguing that the current research tradition should be abandoned.

scholarly journals Race and Networks in the Job Search Process

2019 ◽  
Vol 84 (6) ◽  
pp. 983-1012 ◽  
Author(s):  
David S. Pedulla ◽  
Devah Pager
Keyword(s):  
Social Networks ◽  
Labor Market ◽  
African Americans ◽  
Racial Disparities ◽  
Job Search ◽  
Search Process ◽  
Job Seekers ◽  
Employment Opportunities ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Job Offers

Racial disparities persist throughout the employment process, with African Americans experiencing significant barriers compared to whites. This article advances the understanding of racial labor market stratification by bringing new theoretical insights and original data to bear on the ways social networks shape racial disparities in employment opportunities. We develop and articulate two pathways through which networks may perpetuate racial inequality in the labor market: network access and network returns. In the first case, African American job seekers may receive fewer job leads through their social networks than white job seekers, limiting their access to employment opportunities. In the second case, black and white job seekers may utilize their social networks at similar rates, but their networks may differ in effectiveness. Our data, with detailed information about both job applications and job offers, provide the unique ability to adjudicate between these processes. We find evidence that black and white job seekers utilize their networks at similar rates, but network-based methods are less likely to lead to job offers for African Americans. We then theoretically develop and empirically test two mechanisms that may explain these differential returns: network placement and network mobilization. We conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for scholarship on racial stratification and social networks in the job search process.

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