Being green: Patterns of participation in the environmental movement

2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (5) ◽  
pp. 788-809 ◽  
Author(s):  
Winston B Tripp

This research extends existing scholarship on the environmental movement by examining different groups of participants, building on the distinctions between public and private modes of engagement. The article uses data from the 2010 United States General Social Survey and the International Social Survey Programme to first conduct a latent class analysis to explore the existence of different classes of participants, and then presents a multinomial logit model to examine factors that affect class membership. The study finds there are four classes in the analysis of the environmental movement: a group of non-participators, a group that engages primarily in more organizationally-based environmental movement activities, a group that engages in green lifestyle activities, and a group that engages in both types of activities, but only at a high-intensity level. The study also finds that there are distinct differences in the composition of each group.

2018 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
William J. Scarborough ◽  
Ray Sin ◽  
Barbara Risman

Empirical studies show that though there is more room for improvement, much progress has been made toward gender equality since the second wave of feminism. Evidence also suggests that women’s advancements have been more dramatic in the public sphere of work and politics than in the private sphere of family life. We argue that this lopsided gender progress may be traced to uneven changes in gender attitudes. Using data from more than 27,000 respondents who participated in the General Social Survey from 1977 through 2016, we show that gender attitudes have more than one underlying dimension and that these dimensions have changed at different rates over time. Using latent class analysis, we find that the distribution of respondents’ attitudes toward gender equality has changed over the past 40 years. There has been an increase in the number of egalitarians who support equality in public and private spheres, while the traditionals who historically opposed equality in both domains have been replaced by ambivalents who feel differently about gender equality in the public and private spheres. Meanwhile, successive birth cohorts are becoming more egalitarian, with Generation-Xers and Millennials being the most likely to hold strong egalitarian views. The feminist revolution has succeeded in promoting egalitarian views and decreasing the influence of gender traditionalism, but has yet to convince a substantial minority that gender equality should extend to both public and private spheres of social life


Author(s):  
Michael Hout ◽  
Andrew Greeley

This chapter discusses the link between happiness and religion. It draws on meaning-and-belonging theory to deduce that a religious affiliation heightens happiness through participation in collective religious rituals. Attendance and engagement appear key: a merely nominal religious affiliation makes people little happier. Notably, two religious foundations of happiness—affiliation with organized religious groups and attendance at services—have fallen. Softened religious engagement, then, may contribute to the slight downturn in general happiness. In fact, steady happiness is reported among those who participate frequently in religious services, but falling levels among those who are less involved. The chapter also considers the association between religion and happiness outside the United States using data from the International Social Survey Program, an international collaborative survey to which the General Social Survey contributes the American data.


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Braun ◽  
Angelika Glöckner-Rist

This paper investigates whether there are different patterns of traditionality in different countries with regard to a perceived negative impact of labor-force participation of mothers on their children and family life. For this purpose, individual-level traditionality subgroups and segments of countries with different traditionality patterns of their nationals were identified simultaneously by means of multilevel latent-class (ML-LC) analysis of the answers to three items of the Changing Family and Gender Roles module of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP). This module was fielded in 22 countries in the years 1994 and 2002. Six individual-level subgroups and five country segments can be discerned. The structure of individual-level subgroups is almost identical in both years. Four individual-level subgroups differ only quantitatively in their level of traditionality. Two further subgroups are characterized by a unique tendency to defend working mothers against criticism. From 1994 to 2002 the sizes of traditional subgroups decrease, and there is also some change in the composition of country segments. This paper investigates whether there are different patterns of traditionality in different countries with regard to a perceived negative impact of labor-force participation of mothers on their children and family life. For this purpose, individual-level traditionality subgroups and segments of countries with different traditionality patterns of their nationals were identified simultaneously by means of multilevel latent-class (ML-LC) analysis of the answers to three items of the Changing Family and Gender Roles module of the International Social Survey Program (ISSP). This module was fielded in 22 countries in the years 1994 and 2002. Six individual-level subgroups and five country segments can be discerned. The structure of individual-level subgroups is almost identical in both years. Four individual-level subgroups differ only quantitatively in their level of traditionality. Two further subgroups are characterized by a unique tendency to defend working mothers against criticism. From 1994 to 2002 the sizes of traditional subgroups decrease, and there is also some change in the composition of country segments.


2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (9) ◽  
pp. 1-12
Author(s):  
Lunxuan Sun ◽  
Shuo Yang ◽  
Sumin Li ◽  
Yongduo Zhang

We analyzed data from 8,710 participants in the 2013 China General Social Survey by using the instrumental variable method to assess the impact of the number of years of individuals' formal education on their environmental behavior. The results show that more formal education significantly increased individuals' public and private environmental behavior. Higher levels of formal education improved individuals' environmental knowledge and their environmental pollution awareness, which directly affected their environmental behavior. Having had more formal education was also associated with having a higher socioeconomic status and economic income, which increased the demand these individuals reported for a better environment and affordability of environmentally friendly actions, which indirectly affected their environmental behavior. Our findings indicate that a further increase in the supply of education may improve China's current environmental problems.


Contention ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Randle J. Hart

Much has been made of the Millennial generation’s seemingly low rates of political participation. Some argue that this generation is politically apathetic, while others suggest that Millennials have eschewed traditional politics in favor of protest as a means of political participation. Drawing on Canada’s 2013 General Social Survey (Cycle 27, Social Identity), I employ an exploratory latent class analysis to determine whether the Millennial generation can be usefully categorized according to their participation in various forms of political, civic, and social movement activities. I then use binary logit regression to determine how well the biographical availability hypothesis explains Millennial politics. This research reveals that Canadian Millennials may be grouped into four categories: the politically unengaged, the politically expressive, the civically engaged, and activist. Support for the biographical availability hypothesis is mixed. As expected, students are more likely to be activists and parenthood reduces the odds of being politically expressive or an activist, but home ownership does not decrease the chances of Millennials being politically engaged and increases the chances of being civically engaged. Younger Millennials (ages 15–24) are much more likely to be politically unengaged compared to older Millennials (ages 25–34).


2021 ◽  
pp. 146511652098006
Author(s):  
Julian Aichholzer ◽  
Sylvia Kritzinger ◽  
Carolina Plescia

Scholars have long recognized that national identity-related factors are among the strongest predictors of citizens’ attitudes toward the European Union. But while some find that they reinforce support for the European Union, other scholars show that national identity undermines its support. In this article, we aim to disentangle this puzzle by studying how the national identity profiles of European citizens relate to support for the European Union across individuals and member states. To this end, we employ data from the International Social Survey Program 2013, by far the most extensive collection of survey questions on national identity, and the technique of latent class analysis. Our results show which specific configurations of national identity entail support, ambivalence or rejection of the European Union, their antecedents, and their variation across countries.


Author(s):  
Leanne Findlay ◽  
Dafna Kohen

Affordability of child care is fundamental to parents’, in particular, women’s decision to work. However, information on the cost of care in Canada is limited. The purpose of the current study was to examine the feasibility of using linked survey and administrative data to compare and contrast parent-reported child care costs based on two different sources of data. The linked file brings together data from the 2011 General Social Survey (GSS) and the annual tax files (TIFF) for the corresponding year (2010). Descriptive analyses were conducted to examine the socio-demographic and employment characteristics of respondents who reported using child care, and child care costs were compared. In 2011, parents who reported currently paying for child care (GSS) spent almost $6700 per year ($7,500 for children age 5 and under). According to the tax files, individuals claimed just over $3900 per year ($4,700). Approximately one in four individuals who reported child care costs on the GSS did not report any amount on their tax file; about four in ten who claimed child care on the tax file did not report any cost on the survey. Multivariate analyses suggested that individuals with a lower education, lower income, with Indigenous identity, and who were self-employed were less likely to make a tax claim despite reporting child care expenses on the GSS. Further examination of child care costs by province and by type of care are necessary, as is research to determine the most accurate way to measure and report child care costs.


2015 ◽  
Vol 38 (3) ◽  
pp. 21
Author(s):  
Scot Ausborn ◽  
Julia Rotondo ◽  
Tim Mulcahy

Mapping the General Social Survey to the Generic Statistical Business Process Model: NORC's Experience


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