The Ascent of Saudi Arabia to a Regional Hegemon: The Role of Institutional Power in the League of Arab States

2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-143
Author(s):  
Maximilian Felsch

After the Arab upheavals that began in 2011, Saudi Arabia became the most dominant power in the Arab world. While most of its Arab rivals experienced political and economic crises and disintegration, the Gulf monarchy began an unprecedented active and even interventionist foreign policy and increased its regional influence tremendously. Remarkably, most of this activism was not exercised unilaterally but within regional institutional frameworks, mainly of the League of Arab States (LAS) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). This article investigates how Saudi Arabia gained institutional power within the LAS. The analysis is based on the LAS decisions at the Summit level before and after the Arab uprisings with regard to Saudi Arabia’s main foreign policy interests. The purpose of the article is to examine the essence of Saudi Arabia’s regional power. It also looks at the unforeseen revitalization of the LAS and allows predictions of the future of Arab regionalism in a changing Arab world.

2020 ◽  
Vol 74 (4) ◽  
pp. 579-597
Author(s):  
Shaimaa Magued

This article examines scholarship from the Arab world on Turkish foreign policy since the early 1980s to show shifts in Arab perceptions of Turkey. Prior to 2002, Arab scholars were focused on the competition between Turkey's secular and religious elites, with largely negative views of the country's policies in the Middle East. With the rise of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), Arab scholars began to look more positively toward Turkey, as it sought to play a new role in the Middle East. With the Arab uprisings from 2011 onward, the Arab literature on Turkey began to vary, reflecting the developments in Turkey's relationships with scholars' respective countries.


2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-246
Author(s):  
Noura Hamdan Taha ◽  
Asem Khalil

Abstract Constitutional transformations frequently introduce and open up political spaces for new actors, as was shown during the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ when national movements emerged to demand the removal of long-established authoritarian regimes and instigated a series of institutional power struggles. Subsequent analysis of these events by academics has tended to overlook struggle conducted through and by legal institutions. This article directly addresses this oversight by considering the role of Egypt’s Supreme Constitutional Court (scc) in the 2011 uprisings, with specific attention to its influence on the country’s political transformation/s. It seeks to apply new analytical tools that will assist understanding of the position of judicial institutions in the Arab world, their institutional limits and expected functions. It demonstrates how this can be achieved through a closer analysis of the scc’s structure and the factors that shape its current role.


2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-71
Author(s):  
Daniel Svoboda

The role and importance of religion in many countries' foreign policy seem to be rising again. Many scholars have shown that Saudi Arabia uses the spread of religion, specifically Salafi Islam, as a tool for its foreign policy and to strengthen its influence. Saudi Arabia is a crucial player in the MENA region and the entire Islamic world, and its regional and international importance is constantly increasing. The author considers understanding Saudi Arabia’s activities and its foreign policy strategies, mechanisms, and tools in Africa as very important, as Africa is becoming an arena for new powers once again. The article aims to identify how Saudi Arabia penetrates African states and spreads Salafism. It focuses on analyzing Saudi foreign policy, emphasizing the role of religion and its export. The author analyzes Saudi Arabia's relations with five selected African states, where Salafism is spreading, in the period from 2015 to the present.


ICR Journal ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 308-311
Author(s):  
Michael K. Scott

From the report authored by Mahmoud Marouf and appearing in al-Quds al-Arabi (1 October, 2012), translated by IAIS-Malaysia Visiting Fellow Michael K. Scott, and covering the Center for Arab Unity Studies’ Conference on Religion and State in the Arab World that convened in Hammamat, Tunisia in October 2012: The role of the religious establishment in governance in Saudi Arabia sparked heated discussion late last year in the “Religion and State in the Arab World” conference organised by the Center for Arab Unity Studies, with the participation of dozens of prominent Arab intellectuals and researchers.


Significance The agreement provides US President Donald Trump a signature foreign policy achievement ahead of US elections in November, while giving Abu Dhabi an opportunity to cement ties with Washington in case of a change of president. It also constitutes a major diplomatic victory for Israeli Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu, amid rising domestic woes. Impacts Some other Arab states such as Bahrain or Oman might follow the UAE’s lead. Saudi Arabia is likely to be more cautious, especially as it is preoccupied with internal succession dynamics. European countries will call for the suspension of annexation to be made permanent and Israel to return to talks with the Palestinians.


Author(s):  
G. Irishin

This publication presents regular materials of the scientific workshop "Modern Development Problems", which is held in the Center for Development and Modernization Studies of IMEMO RAN. The discussants analyzed changes that had taken place in the region and certain countries over the February to November 2011 period, as well as the inner dynamics of events. Special focus was on their external factors – the role of the West in whole, of France, Great Britain, NATO, the League of Arab States, Turkey.


1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe P. Dunn

Among the excellent national simulations available—the Harvard Model UN, Cleveland Model UN, Howard University Model Organization of African States, etc., and several regional models—the best may be the National Model League of Arab States, held annually in March at American University in Washington, DC. Sponsored by the Arab League Information Center and the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, the Model (in its seventh year in 1989) imitates the League of Arab States, an organization founded in 1945 for the purpose of coordinating issues related to Arab development and cooperation.College and university student delegations represent the 22 member states of the Arab nation. As they debate, lobby, and caucus, students learn about the interplay of the state system, international and regional organization, intra-Arab cooperation and conflict, issues of the region, and superpower impact upon the area. As participants gain greater understanding of the culture, concerns, achievements, and problems of the Arab world, they shed stereotypes, question prejudices, and begin to appreciate another perspective on regional issues.The Model League consists of plenary sessions, five committees (political, economic, social and cultural, legal, and Palestinian affairs), and a summit conference of the League Council. The bulk of time is spent in the committee sessions, where students introduce, debate, and build coalitions in support of resolutions. In the process, they practice parliamentary procedure and sharpen forensic and bargaining skills. Faculty advisors evaluate the delegations and nominate individuals for awards.


1970 ◽  
pp. 22-27
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

Out of the twenty-two members of the League of Arab States, only eleven have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women


Author(s):  
Raymond Hinnebusch ◽  
Anoushiravan Ehteshami

This chapter examines the process of foreign policymaking by regional states based on a ‘complex realist’ approach, which acknowledges the weight of realist (or power based) arguments but takes into account other factors such as the role of leadership in informing states’ foreign policy choices. The chapter first provides an overview of complex realism and the framework of analysis by considering the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) environment. It then illustrates the complex realist approach with an an assessment of decision-making by four leading states — Saudi Arabia, Iran, Turkey, and Egypt — in relation to the key events and crises of the last decade: the 2003 Iraq War, the 2006 Lebanon War, and the post-2014 war with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). The chapter concludes with a discussion of the relative weight of the various policymaking determinants in the 2000s.


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