scholarly journals CEDAW in the Arab World and the Reservations Presented by Arab Countries

1970 ◽  
pp. 22-27
Author(s):  
Lebanese American University

Out of the twenty-two members of the League of Arab States, only eleven have ratified the Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women

Author(s):  
Ahmed Khalil Ali Ahmed Khalil Ali

  It occupies the Yemen Arab Republic, the Republic of Somalia geographical area strategy and is located on the Red Sea entrance to the southwest of the Arabian Peninsula for Yemen and South Horn of Africa for Somalia and a surface area of ​​about two hundred thousand square kilometers, which is in this way, more like the box ever great strategic importance in the chessboard the Middle East region. Yemen and Somalia's recent history, began on the shores of the Red Sea, while the evacuation of Turks from Yemen in 1919 and the Declaration of Independence of the Republic of Somalia until the conflict broke out between the clans civil where these tribes were announced after its agreement to declare its political stabilits. This period, which lasted until the establishment of the Arab League in 1945, a dispute between the three camps, vying for the leadership of the Arab world has seen, namely: the Hashemites camp who are concentrated in Jordan, Iraq, and Camp Saudis who parcels Hashemites of the peninsula, and the camp of the Egyptians who had begun showing some interest Arab affairs. Yemen and Somalia have Anzmt to the League of Arab States The context of the events and indications in the political and economic scene in Yemen and Somalia is moving towards escalation addition overshadowed by the context of the crisis on the Arab arena, helped by the absence of future strategies that the major and important events, dominated the thought of permanence Ostmraraharb against change without analytical reading closer to the reality of the local strategic environment and regional and international Vtozmt data Which contributed to the accumulation of political, economic, social, educational, health, security and other problems in the context of crises warring tribes Under palaces strategic perspective and geostrategic, limited resources, and weak of will and national administration toward reform, as well as the form of violence to the weakness of economic power and political instability that arrived in an anonymous way for the future of Yemen and Somalia so has to be the future vision analysis according to data transformations and changes geostrategic theater Yemen and Somalia, from the consequences up to the expectations and the current implications in the strategic landscape of Yemen and Somalia are the secretions of a cumulative political, ideological, social, security, ethnic, tribal, regional, factional and spatial different in Yemen and Somalia, for this to spectra to be analytical vision for the future of Arab countries about the national security of Yemen and Somalia for political and economic stability to both countries. this means safe for the Arab States.


1990 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joe P. Dunn

Among the excellent national simulations available—the Harvard Model UN, Cleveland Model UN, Howard University Model Organization of African States, etc., and several regional models—the best may be the National Model League of Arab States, held annually in March at American University in Washington, DC. Sponsored by the Arab League Information Center and the National Council on U.S.-Arab Relations, the Model (in its seventh year in 1989) imitates the League of Arab States, an organization founded in 1945 for the purpose of coordinating issues related to Arab development and cooperation.College and university student delegations represent the 22 member states of the Arab nation. As they debate, lobby, and caucus, students learn about the interplay of the state system, international and regional organization, intra-Arab cooperation and conflict, issues of the region, and superpower impact upon the area. As participants gain greater understanding of the culture, concerns, achievements, and problems of the Arab world, they shed stereotypes, question prejudices, and begin to appreciate another perspective on regional issues.The Model League consists of plenary sessions, five committees (political, economic, social and cultural, legal, and Palestinian affairs), and a summit conference of the League Council. The bulk of time is spent in the committee sessions, where students introduce, debate, and build coalitions in support of resolutions. In the process, they practice parliamentary procedure and sharpen forensic and bargaining skills. Faculty advisors evaluate the delegations and nominate individuals for awards.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 65
Author(s):  
Marwan Salem Al Ali

There is no doubt in saying that the events of the Arab revolution, or the so-called media Arab Spring represents the largest shift in Arab political life since several decades. Which has become its complications and the effects of large-scale Arab regional order and his institution regulatory (League of Arab States), not to mention the effects of international. Though the cours of these revolutions and the final result has yet unknown, and unpredictable, what is absolutely clear is that it will be the important factors to reshape the political life in the Arab regional states, the expectation of a gualitative changes in the forms of ststes, and systems adjudicated. However, the current outlook on the future of the Arab regional system, in the long direct, does not look good, whether the standard is waiting for stability resident, or the return of the ability-albeit psychologically- on the expectation. Making it to be persistence in the draft comprehensive reform to keep pace with international development and there is a need to reform the Arab system and building official, after it has become reform therapy condom each is subjected to the Arab world from penetrating.. the future of the system depends on the evolution and change the units of political. If able to Arab political systems to promote democratic political institutions and expand popular participation, it will reflect positively on the performance and development of the Arab system and structure. In all cases, the League of Arab States bear mgarm Arab system and mganmh, therefore reform the university and the advancement no longer need to perpetuate Arab regime, but elevate it to respond to the will of the nation in the renaissance and unite and resist change project and retail bank and the uprooting of the root.


2020 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 132-143
Author(s):  
Maximilian Felsch

After the Arab upheavals that began in 2011, Saudi Arabia became the most dominant power in the Arab world. While most of its Arab rivals experienced political and economic crises and disintegration, the Gulf monarchy began an unprecedented active and even interventionist foreign policy and increased its regional influence tremendously. Remarkably, most of this activism was not exercised unilaterally but within regional institutional frameworks, mainly of the League of Arab States (LAS) and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC). This article investigates how Saudi Arabia gained institutional power within the LAS. The analysis is based on the LAS decisions at the Summit level before and after the Arab uprisings with regard to Saudi Arabia’s main foreign policy interests. The purpose of the article is to examine the essence of Saudi Arabia’s regional power. It also looks at the unforeseen revitalization of the LAS and allows predictions of the future of Arab regionalism in a changing Arab world.


1973 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 23-31
Author(s):  
Peter K. Bechtold

Although the Democratic Republic of Sudan has been an official member of the League of Arab States virtually since independence, the country has been frequently bypassed in studies of the Arab World—and for that matter, of Subsaharan Africa as well. And while successive Sudanese regimes have spoken of their country as a “bridge” between the Muslim Arab world and non-Muslim Black Africa, the foreign scholarly community has ironically treated this geographically largest country in Africa and the Middle East only in the most marginal terms.


Author(s):  
Fayez Albadri

This chapter introduces the development of strategic management as a formal discipline and provides an overview of strategic management concepts, models, and best practices, highlighting the difference between strategic thinking, planning, and management. It then zooms into the current strategic practice in different Arab countries to formulate a reasonable understanding of the effectiveness of such practice in serving governments and organizations to achieve their national strategic goals and objectives. The study employs a mix of research and evaluation tools, derived from the literature and best practices, to assess the maturity levels of the adopted strategic practice by Arab states and examines its relationship to and impact on government performance, in particular that which is related to achieving social justice, sustainable development, and democracy. In conclusion, the outcome of the investigation is used to suggest solutions to drive improvement to the current strategic practice in the Arab world.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (4) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Mahmoud MOURAD

This paper studies 17 Arab States, human development index (HDI), and 11 time series which represent the basic indicators of governance. These variables are freedom of trade, freedom of property, freedom of economy, freedom of finance, freedom of corruption, freedom of fiscal, freedom of money, freedom of enterprise, freedom of investment, freedom of work, and freedom of government spending. A multivariate variance analysis (MANOVA) was used to test whether a differential effect exists between the Arab countries, by first focusing on the types of regimes (monarchical or republican), and second on the group of Arab countries belonging to the GCC and the rest of Arab states. Our statistical results indicate a differential effect by the type of political system on the following governance variables: corruption, freedom of trade, freedom of economy and freedom of property. Statistically speaking, in republican regimes, low values associated with the degree of freedom of corruption show that corruption is high and that it severely limits the freedom of individuals. Similarly, freedom of trade and freedom of economy in these regimes have more legislative or regulatory limitations, and little economic freedom compared to monarchies. Finally, concerning the degree of freedom of property, there are more expropriations and a higher level of corruption in the process of buying and selling goods. The inspection of the MANOVA results clearly indicates that the GCC countries are distinguished from other Arab countries based on six governance variables and the HDI indicator. Indeed, in the Arab countries of the GCC, we identify weaker corruption levels, a freedom of trade with less legislative or regulatory limits, a greater economic freedom, a fiscal freedom close to 100 (this means that the burden of paying taxes is lower and consequently individuals and companies have little tax liability), a fluctuated controlled monetary freedom, the human development index (HDI) is significantly higher, and finally a freedom of property with less expropriations and a lower level of corruption in the sale or purchase of goods. The high values of the HDI indicator in the GCC countries are partly explained by the indicator of gross domestic product per capita (IGDP) which is very high in those countries.


1970 ◽  
pp. 8-18
Author(s):  
Suad Joseph

This paper investigates the impact of cultural and gender systems in the production of the unequal relationships of Arab women and men to the laws and practices of citizenship. I analyze key laws, social practices, and institutions through which citizenship in Arab states has privileged a masculine citizen. Given that citizenship is mandatory in the modern “nation-state” (Zubaida, 1988), it is striking to observe the reality that the modern “nation-state” has mandated a masculine citizen. Many of the issues affecting the gendering of citizenship in Arab countries appear to be specific to Arab states. Many are shared within the Middle Eastern region. Other issues are similar to patterns found in Third World countries. And some appear to be common to state societies in general. We need to both challenge the misplaced assumptions of cultural homogeneity in the Arab world, as well as sharply identify the patterns which are specific to the gendering of citizenship in Arab states. Therefore, while the focus of this paper is the gendering of citizenship in Arab states, it is my aim to contribute towards the comparative study of processes, which lead to the gendering of citizenship in order both to deessentialize Arab cultures and to understand their specificities.


1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 173-182
Author(s):  
Michael W. Suleiman

In the past fifteen years, the MESA Bulletin has published numerous reports about research facilities in various Middle East countries, including several on Arab states (Zartman 1970; Williams 1970; Brown, Rollman, and Waterbury 1970; Coury 1971; Raccagni and Simmons 1972; Hudson 1972; Bechtold 1973, Zghal and Karoui 1973; Miller 1973; Hale and Hale 1975; Rassam 1976; Mandaville 1979; Anderson 1980; Reinhart 1980; Clancy-Smith 1984; Crystal 1984). None of these, however, has focused on doing survey research in the region. In part, this seemed to indicate a lack of interest in, and/or feasibility for, carrying out this type of research. In fact, when in 1973 MESA members were asked to share with their colleagues the data from surveys they had carried out, only twenty-one individuals responded, and in only nine cases were there survey data gathered in Arab states (“A Preliminary Listing …” 1974). Since then, the situation has improved somewhat. Thus, Palmer et al. (1982) have compiled an analytical index detailing more than 350 studies using survey research techniques in different Arab countries. Also in 1983, an international conference on the evaluation and application of survey research in the Arab world was held at the Rockefeller Foundation’s Study and Conference Center in Bellagio, Italy. The Ford Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation sponsored the conference, which was attended by twenty-four individuals from the United States and seven Arab countries. A book based on the papers and proceedings of the conference will be published soon, edited by Tessler et al. (forthcoming).


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