Dis-Embeddedness and De-Classification: Modernization Politics and the Greek Teacher Unions in the 1990s

2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 610-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Athanasiades ◽  
Alexandros Patramanis
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Teacher Unions ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Social Citizenship ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
Institutional Legacies ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Social Democratic Parties

During the 90s, PASOK, in common with the other European social democratic parties, has advocated Third Way revisionism and has placed the ‘modernization’ of the Greek society high on its political agenda. By focusing on a series of conflictual incidents between the teacher unions and the Greek government, this paper exemplifies the repercussions of this process on teachers-state relations. Building upon the dialectics of path shaping and path dependency, we suggest that the particular development of the modernization project and the reactions it has triggered are to be attributed to the historically determined, nationally specific, contingently activated institutional legacies and structures that, on the one hand, stand in the way of the incorporation of Greece to the EMU/ESM and, on the other, are employed by the unions to defend industrial and social citizenship.

Dis-Embeddedness and De-Classification: Modernization Politics and the Greek Teacher Unions in the 1990s

2002 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 610-639 ◽  
Author(s):  
Harris Athanasiades ◽  
Alexandros Patramanis
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Teacher Unions ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Social Citizenship ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
Institutional Legacies ◽  
State Relations ◽  
Social Democratic Parties

During the 90s, PASOK, in common with the other European social democratic parties has advocated Third Way revisionism and has placed the ‘modernization’ of the Greek society high on its political agenda. By focusing on a series of conflictual incidents between the teacher unions and the Greek government, this paper exemplifies the repercussion of this process on teachers-state relations. Building upon the dialecties of path shaping and path dependency, we suggest that the particular development of the modernization project and the reactions it has triggered are to be attributed to the historically determined, nationally specific, contingently activated institutional legacies and structures that, on the one hand, stand in the way of the incorporation of Greece to the EMU/ESM and, on the other, are employed by the unions to defend industrial and social citizenship.

Borat, Multiculturalism,Mnogonatsional'nost

Slavic Review ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 67 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-34 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven S. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Civil Rights ◽  
The Other ◽  
Final Part ◽  
Jewish American ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Slavoj Zizek ◽  
Slavoj Žižek ◽  
History Of ◽  
The One

In this article, Sacha Baron Cohen'sBoratappears as just the latest in a decades- long exchange between American and Soviet models of minority uplift: on the one side, civil rights and multiculturalism; on the other,druzhba narodov(the friendship of peoples) andmnogonatsional'nost’(multi-national- ness). Steven S. Lee argues diat, with Borat, multiculturalism seems to have emerged as the victor in this exchange, but that the film also hearkens to a not-too-distant Soviet alternative. Part 1 shows how Borat gels with recent leftist critiques of multiculturalism, spearheaded by Slovenian philosopher Slavoj żižek. Part 2 relates Borat to a largely submerged history of American minorities drawing hope from mnogonatsional'nost', as celebrated in Grigorii Aleksandrov's 1936 filmCircus.The final part presents Borat as choosing neither multiculturalism nor mnogonatsional'nost', but rather the continued opposition of the two, if not a “third way.” For a glimpse of what this might look like, the paper concludes with a discussion ofAbsurdistan(2006) by Soviet Jewish American novelist Gary Shteyngart.

scholarly journals The Evolving Interplay between Islam and Politics: From Islamist to Islamic Democrat

ICR Journal ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 154-164
Author(s):  
Waqas Ahmad
Keyword(s):  
Vital Role ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Islam And Politics ◽  
Muslim Countries ◽  
The World ◽  
Inclusive Approach ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The One ◽  
Democratic Elections

Islam is unique in its relationship with politics. It plays a vital role in politics and governance, initially under the Rashidun and subsequently in many Muslim empires. The collapse of the Ottoman caliphate in 1924 and the process of decolonisation which started in the mid-twentieth-century led to the start of many Islamic political movements in newly independent Muslim countries. These movements now sit at a critical juncture, with Muslims around the world being polarised around two political extremes. On the one hand, we have Islamic radical groups like ISIS and al-Qaeda, while on the other hand we have secular parties which do not see any role for Islam in politics and governance in Muslim countries. In response, many traditional Islamist parties are now evolving into Muslim democratic parties. Unlike Islamists, Muslim democrats take a more inclusive approach, preferring to integrate Islamic religious values into political platforms designed to win regular democratic elections. The Ennahda Party of Tunisia is one Muslim party that reflects this evolution. R. Ghannouchi, who outlined Ennahdas transition, has argued that Tunisians today are less concerned about Islamisation or secularisationthan with building a democratic government that is inclusive and meets their aspirations for a better life. This paper is an attempt to investigate this shift and its consequences for Islamism across the Muslim world.

Construcția feminismului românesc în tranziția timpurie

Transilvania ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 71-76
Author(s):  
Roxana Dumitrache
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Eastern European ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Modus Operandi ◽  
Institutional Frameworks ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The One ◽  
Intellectual Production

Within the feminist epistemological space, the category “Romanian feminism” contains a series of relevant features that individualize it to the point of its dissociation from Eastern European feminism. On the one hand, it is impossible to analyze Romanian intellectual feminism without an attempt to locate it within European feminism or, more particularly, within Eastern European feminism. On the other hand, any mapping of Romanian feminism is partial if it does not include the fundamental role of the institutional frameworks in which Romanian feminism was structured and where it was, in some cases, crystallized in political agenda or civic movement. The dynamics itself of the Romanian feminism goes beyond intellectual production, the creation of institutions and their acclimatization in a state that has started its transition to a democratic regime to a whole modus operandi of people who intellectually and professionally linked their destiny to feminism.

Critical Discourse Analysis

1990 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 84-99 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gunther Kress
Keyword(s):  
Discourse Analysis ◽  
Critical Discourse Analysis ◽  
International Communication ◽  
The Other ◽  
Critical Discourse ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Editorial Statement ◽  
The Media ◽  
The One

The label Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) is used by a significant number of scholars with a diverse set of concerns in a number of disciplines. It is well-exemplified by the editorial statement of the journal Discourse and Society, which defines its envisaged domain of enquiry as follows: “the reproduction of sexism and racism through discourse; the legitimation of power; the manufacture of consent; the role of politics, education and the media; the discursive reproduction of dominance relation between groups; the imbalances in international communication and information.” While some practitioners of Critical Discourse Analysis might want to amend this list here or there, the set of concerns sketched here well describes the field of CDA. The only comment I would make, a comment crucial for many practitioners of CDA, is to insist that these phenomena are to be found in the most unremarkable and everyday of texts—and not only in texts which declare their special status in some way. This scope, and the overtly political agenda, serves to set CDA off on the one hand from other kinds of discourse analysis, and from textlinguistics (as well as from pragmatics and sociolinguistics) on the other.

Zur Kartierung staatlicher Macht. Der Verwaltungsgerichtshof und seine Entscheidungen

2021 ◽  
pp. 261-290
Author(s):  
Peter Becker
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Social Citizenship ◽  
Habsburg Monarchy ◽  
Barriers To Access ◽  
Empirical Point ◽  
The One ◽  
Changing Economy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Shed Light ◽  
Point Of Reference

Mapping State power. The Administrative Court and its Decisions. The proceedings of the Administrative Court (Verwaltungsgerichtshof) of the Habsburg Monarchy, established in 1876, are used as an empirical point of reference to shed light on the relationship between an expanding state and a rapidly changing economy and society. The focus is on the crownland of Lower Austria, which was characterized by a coexistence of tradition and modernity, by politically and economically powerful classes on the one hand and producing classes on the other. In this field of tension, numerous conflicts arose which were dealt with by the administration and adjudicated upon by the Administrative Court. The barriers to access to the Administrative Court privileged individuals from industry and finance, property and landowners and municipalities as plaintiffs. These actors raised objections to the assessment of taxes, but also to the specific consequences of new emphases in government activity that can be associated with social citizenship. The use of the Administrative Court as an avenue via which to appeal against state activity ultimately strengthened the state’s presence.

4. Beyond the dominant orthodoxies

2020 ◽  
pp. 104-135
Author(s):  
Michael Newman
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
Far Right ◽  
Third Way ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Third ◽  
The World ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Democratic Parties ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Social Democratic Parties

Following the collapse of the Soviet bloc, countries around the world struggled to implement their versions of social democracy. ‘Beyond the dominant orthodoxies’ looks at recent developments in China (successful, but too business-oriented and inflexible to be the future of socialism), the UK (weakened by the ‘third way’ of the late 1990s and lack of engagement with political parties), and other European countries (threatened by lack of support for social democratic parties and the rise of the far right). None of the new movements in Spain, Greece, Latin America, or the UK was entirely successful, but many succeeded in embedding elements of socialism in their countries’ politics.

Energy securitization and desecuritization in the New Middle East

2013 ◽  
Vol 44 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 507-522 ◽  
Author(s):  
Odysseas Christou ◽  
Constantinos Adamides
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
North Africa ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The One ◽  
State Relations ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Alternative Discourses ◽  
Referent Object

This article uses the theoretical framework of securitization in order to analyse the concurrent developments of, on the one hand, the Arab Spring and the resulting ascendance of a New Middle East and North Africa and, on the other, the discovery of natural gas resources by a number of states in the region. Furthermore, we use these developments as tests of the theory, in the process highlighting a number of criticisms that have been levelled against securitization and that are exemplified by these recent empirical events. We examine the outcomes of the Arab Spring as a process of contestation and as an avenue for the promotion of alternative discourses through the emergence of new political actors, institutions and state relations in the region. At the same time, we identify the underexploration of energy securitization in the literature and the need for a cross-sectoral approach for the referent object of energy in the widened security agenda. Ultimately, the article presents the argument that each of the two sets of developments affects the other, thereby transforming the environment within which securitization and desecuritization may result.

scholarly journals Collective memory and the populist cause: The Ulucanlar Prison Museum in Turkey

2021 ◽  
pp. 175069802110333
Author(s):  
Meral Ugur-Cinar ◽  
Berat Uygar Altınok
Keyword(s):  
Collective Memory ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Agenda ◽  
Military Interventions ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
The Past ◽  
Justice And Development Party ◽  
Popular Appeal ◽  
Authentic Voice ◽  
The One

This article focuses on how political actors appropriate the past by utilizing collective traumas for their populist cause. We demonstrate how the Ulucanlar Prison Museum in Turkey and the oppression of military interventions, for which it served as a backyard, became a tool for the AKP’s (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi-Justice and Development Party) populist agenda. Through a particular narration of history embedded in the museum, the AKP aimed to forge an internal frontier within the society between an envisioned homogenous body of people on the one hand and the elite on the other. Situating itself as the people’s authentic voice against this elite, the AKP tried to further its popular appeal and legitimize its extension of power. What appeared as coming to terms with the past was instead the instrumentalization of the past for a singular political agenda, eager to remove the complexities and pluralism of the past for the sake of telling a politically useful story.

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