scholarly journals Transitions and non-transitions from neoliberalism in Latin America and Southern Europe

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110483
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Ferrero ◽  
Ramón I Centeno ◽  
Antonios Roumpakis
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
State Power ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Democratic Polity ◽  
The Status ◽  
Class Power ◽  
Post War

We seek to disentangle the process through which some democratic polities ‘escape’ from neoliberal rule while others do not. We understand neoliberalism as the resulting equilibrium provoked by the restoration of class power that undermined the pro-labour policies of the post-war period. Why do some democracies enter a route of political experimentation that challenges the status quo while others remain ‘trapped’ in an orthodox neoliberal settlement? Our argument is that for a democratic polity to initiate a transition from neoliberal rule, there needs to be a crisis of neoliberal rule, a compelling alternative willing to contend for state power in national elections, and a reliable democratic settlement that allows the victory of the challenger – that is, the alternative – over the neoliberal rulers. This model will be discussed by examining the following three cases: Argentina, Greece, and Mexico.

scholarly journals ‘I’m Not that Kind of Doctor’

2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-20
Author(s):  
Erica Nelson
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Global Health ◽  
Critical Reflection ◽  
Sexual And Reproductive Health ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Health Interventions ◽  
Health Practice ◽  
Transformative Potential ◽  
The Status ◽  
Complex Relationships

Within multi-disciplinary global health interventions, anthropologists find themselves navigating complex relationships of power. In this article, I offer a critical reflection on this negotiated terrain, drawing on my experience as an embedded ethnographer in a four-year adolescent sexual and reproductive health research intervention in Latin America. I critique the notion that the transformative potential of ethnographic work in global health remains unfulfilled. I then go on to argue that an anthropological practice grounded in iterative, inter-subjective and self-reflexive work has the potential to create ‘disturbances’ in the status quo of day-to-day global health practice, which can in turn destabilise some of the problematic hubristic assumptions of health reforms.

Ideology, Identity, and the 2014 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Members

The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.

“Desiring Total Tranquility” and Not Getting It: Conflict Involving Free Black Women in Spanish New Orleans

1998 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 541-556 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly S. Hanger
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Black Women ◽  
New Orleans ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Women Soldiers ◽  
Free Blacks ◽  
Free Black ◽  
The Status ◽  
Judicial Procedures ◽  
Assault And Battery

Colonial New Orleans was a community, like so many others in Latin America, in which the upper sectors desired to maintain order and “toda tranquilidad,” preferably by way of legislation and judicial compromise but through force and authoritarian measures if necessary. Challenges to this tranquility came from those groups considered marginal and thus often subordinated, oppressed, and made generally unhappy with the status quo, among them workers, women, soldiers, slaves, and free blacks (libres). Free black women— the focus of this paper—drew upon multiple experiences as members of several of these subjugated groups: as women, as nonwhites, sometimes as former slaves, and usually as workers, forced by poverty to support their families with earnings devalued because they were gained doing “women's work.” But they did not suffer silently. Condemning the patriarchal order, racist, sexist, authoritarian society in which they operated, libre women vigorously attacked it both verbally and physically, employing such elite-defined legal and illegal methods as petitions, judicial procedures, slander, insults, arson, and assault and battery.

scholarly journals Russian diplomat A.S. Ionin on the status of Montenegro after the Congress of Berlin and Russia's foreign policy plans in the west of the Balkan peninsula

2019 ◽  
pp. 310-324
Author(s):  
Varvara Khlebnikova
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War

The article deals with the activities of the Russian diplomat A.S. Ionin working as au Consul General in Dubrovnik, and the fi rst Russian resident minister in the Montenegrin principality afterwards in 1878. Ionin was not only the initiator and creator of the mission in Cetinje. He actively helped the Montenegrin government to develop a framework for foreign policy after the signing of the San Stefano and Berlin treaties. He also analyzed the post-war situation in the Balkan Peninsula and contributed to the development of the status quo policy to consolidate Russia's successes achieved in the war of 1877-78 and neutralize the unfavourable political consequences of the concessions made under pressure from the European powers at the Congress of Berlin.

A Structural-Institutional Explanation of the Eurozone Crisis

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Torben Iversen ◽  
David Soskice
Keyword(s):  
Growth Models ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
Eurozone Crisis ◽  
Macroeconomic Policies ◽  
Political Incentives ◽  
Public Sector Unions ◽  
The Status ◽  
Political Cost ◽  
Political Economic

This chapter presents an argument about the underlying reasons for the persistent economic troubles in the Eurozone based on the two different and divergent growth models in the Eurozone’s member states: the export-oriented, skill-intensive, coordinated model of the northern and continental welfare economies and the demand-driven model with strong public sector unions in southern Europe. The chapter then argues that the interactions between macroeconomic policies and national institutions render policies that are appropriate for southern Europe dysfunctional for northern Europe, and vice versa. Is goes on to discuss different reform scenarios for the Eurozone, emphasizing that all reforms come at a considerable political cost, as the same political-economic institutions that would have to be reformed have strong stakes in the status quo in both political economy models. As there are no political incentives for structural change in either model, crises will persist.

“Agriculture at a New Dawn: Food Security v Energy Security”

2007 ◽  
Vol 2007 ◽  
pp. 256-256
Author(s):  
B. N. Gill
Keyword(s):  
Agricultural Policy ◽  
Energy Security ◽  
Food Production ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Best Interests ◽  
Self Sufficiency ◽  
Food Shortages ◽  
The Sixties ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War

The Post War era has seen UK agriculture experience mixed fortunes. Following the scarred memories of food shortages farming experienced one of its regular cyclical booms in the sixties and seventies with guaranteed prices that pushed forward production to improve the level of self sufficiency demanded by the politicians. In continental Europe this encouragement was provided by the emerging Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) which Britain joined in 1973. The CAP promoted greater food production by different methods based on intervention buying at guaranteed prices when there were surpluses only to release the products back on the market at times of shortage. This system worked effectively while the periods of excess were smaller than the periods of surplus. The eighties saw the reversal of this pattern and the establishment of unacceptably high levels of intervention stocks of all major commodities. The system became unworkable and although the French and Germans fought to retain the status quo, the old CAP had become not only indefensible but critically not in the best interests of either consumer or farmer.

Latin American Catholicism's Opening to the Left

1973 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul E. Sigmund
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Roman Catholic ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Black Liberation ◽  
Mao A ◽  
The Status

Radio Havana? Quotations from Chairman Mao? A black liberation group pamphlet? Wrong. These are excerpts from Roman Catholic publications in Latin America. Still regarded by many as one of the bulwarks of the status quo, the Latin-American Church has undergone a startling transformation in the last five years which has moved its official thinking and portions of its elite leadership significantly to the left.

scholarly journals Japan – U.S. Relations under the Abe Doctrine: Shifting Policy in East Asia Regional Stability

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendra Manurung
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
House Of Representatives ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Liberal Democratic Party ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Structural Level ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Recent Success ◽  
The Status ◽  
Post War

Reelection of Shinzo Abe as Prime Minister provides a favorable climate for both Donald Trump’s first presidential visit to Japan and an improvement of Chinese-Japanese-U.S. bilateral relations. In the 22 October 2017 ballot, Abe’s dominant Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and its coalition partner Komeito, secured a two-thirds majority in the House of Representatives, the lower house of Japan’s bicameral legislature. The coalition already holds a supermajority, required for amending the constitution, in the upper house. It justified Abe for calling the national elections a year earlier than needed to secure a public mandate for addressing the growing North Korean threat and to validate popular support for deepening national economic reforms, which have had recent success in boosting Japan’s growth rate and the stock market. Still the outcome gave Abe a mandate for his policies. However, his stewardship was unclear as several other factors contributed to LDP’s overwhelming victory. At the structural level, Japan’s first past the post-electoral system tends to amplify electoral wins in comparison to proportional representation systems. Abe’s foreign and security policies highly charged with ideological revisionism contain the potential to shift Japan onto a new international trajectory in East Asia. Its degree of articulation and energy makes for a doctrine capable of displacing the Yoshida Doctrine that has been Japan’s dominant grand strategy in the post-war period. Abe will remain pragmatic and not challenge the status quo. However, Abe has already begun to introduce radical policies that appear to transform national security, US-Japan alliance ties and relations with China and East Asia. The Abe Doctrine is dynamic but high risk. Abe’s revisionism contains fundamental contradictions that may ultimately limit national effectiveness.  

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