Ideology, Identity, and the 2014 National Elections

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Pradeep K. Chhibber ◽  
Rahul Verma
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Regional Parties ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Members

The 2014 national elections were an ideological showdown between the main political parties with distinctly different visions offered to Indian voters. The BJP advocated a de-emphasis on statism and recognition whereas the Congress and many regional parties favored the status quo. Voter surveys of the 2014 election provide clear evidence of this ideological divide both among party members and voters of particular parties. The divide was furthered by Narendra Modi, the chief campaigner for the BJP, whose personal appeal was important to the electoral success of the BJP. Consistent with theoretical expectations ideologically motivated voters were more likely to participate in political activity around election time. They are also able to distinguish between the ideological vision offered by the various parties and coalitions.

scholarly journals When Informality Advantages Women: Quota Networks, Electoral Rules and Candidate Selection in Mexico

2016 ◽  
Vol 51 (3) ◽  
pp. 487-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Piscopo
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Candidate Selection ◽  
Gender Quotas ◽  
Electoral Rules ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Informal Practices

As gender quotas change the formal rules governing candidate selection, party leaders use informal practices in order to preserve the choicest candidacies for men. This article uses a critical case to highlight how the opposite also occurs. In Mexico, female elites built informal, cross-partisan networks that, in collaboration with state regulators, successfully eliminated political parties’ practices of allocating women the least-viable candidacies. Traditional party elites rely on informal tactics to secure the status quo, but female party members devise their own strategies to force changes to candidate selection, signalling that informality cannot be theorized as wholly negative for women.

scholarly journals Decentering the Status Quo : The Rhetorically Sanctioned Political Engagement of Groen van Prinsterer

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-159
Author(s):  
Jan Adriaan Schlebusch
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Narrative Approach ◽  
Constitutional Democracy ◽  
Strategic Framework ◽  
The Past ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status

Abstract In his strategic political positioning and engagement in the nineteenth century, Groen van Prinsterer looked towards both the past and the future. Rhetorically, he appealed to the past as a vindication of the truth and practicality of his anti-revolutionary position. He also expressed optimism for the success of his convictions and political goals in the future. This optimism was reflected in the confidence with which he engaged politically, despite experiencing numerous setbacks in his career. Relying on the phenomenological-narrative approach of David Carr, I highlight the motives and strategies behind Groen’s political activity, and reveal that the past and the future in Groen’s narrative provide the strategic framework for his rhetoric, and the basis for his activism. I accentuate how the emphasis of his narrative shifts away from the status quo and thus enables a type of political engagement that proved historically significant for the early consolidation of the Dutch constitutional democracy.

scholarly journals Prawo i Sprawiedliwość w polskim systemie partyjnym (przyczynek do dyskusji o systemotwórczej roli partii)

2018 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Andrzej ANTSZEWSKI
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Competition ◽  
Social Issues ◽  
Moral Foundations ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
The Status ◽  
Law And Justice ◽  
The Government

Among the numerous functions of political parties, the role of creating the governance system is highly significant. It manifests itself in the ability of political parties to establish permanent relations with the other parties and in this way provides the essence of a party system. The purpose of the present paper is to demonstrate the role the Law and Justice party (PiS) plays in the creation of the governance system. Since 2005, PiS has been one of the two dominant political parties struggling to win the parliamentary and presidential elections. In order to determine the scope of this party’s influence on the shape of the party system, their achievements in elections, parliament and Cabinet activity need to be analyzed. Such a quantitative analysis allows us to grasp PiS’s development trends in political competition. The paper discusses the reasons for their electoral success in 2005 as well as their defeat in 2007 and the aftermath of both these elections for the party’s competition to the government. The achievements of PiS confirm that this party has won the status of a party that structures the political competition, a status that has not been lost irrespective of the five elections at different levels that the party has lost. PiS has successfully adopted the postulates of the Left in terms of the economy and social issues, whereas it has maintained the image of a right-wing party in terms of the shape of the state and its moral foundations. PiS has managed to form an electorate that differs from other parties’ electorates in terms of its social and demographic properties as well as its political attitudes, which reinforces the position of PiS in the electoral struggle. Yet PiS has failed to establish a permanent coalition government. The elimination of Self-Defence (Samoobrona) and the League of Polish Families (LPR) from the Sejm has practically deprived PiS of any coalition potential, or has at least significantly reduced this potential. This, coupled with a continuously growing negative electorate, may turn out to constitute the main obstacle to PiS regaining power.

scholarly journals The Politics of Christian Love: Shaping Everyday Social Interaction and Political Sensibilities Among Coptic Egyptians

Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
An Van Raemdonck
Keyword(s):  
Social Interaction ◽  
Personal Narratives ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Divine Love ◽  
The Status ◽  
Christian Love ◽  
Muslim Majority ◽  
Theological Study ◽  
Political Dimensions

Christian love has historically been subject of extensive theological study but has rarely been studied within anthropology. Contemporary Coptic society receives growing attention over the last two decades as a minority in Egyptian Muslim majority society. An important bulk of this scholarship involves a discussion of the community’s sometimes self-defined and sometimes ascribed characterization as a persecuted minority. Particular attention has gone to how social and political dimensions of minority life lead tochanges in Christian theological understandings This paper builds on these insights and examines how Christian love is experienced, and shapes feelings of belonging, everyday morality and political sensibilities vis-à-vis Muslim majority society. It draws from ethnographic observations and meetings with Copts living in Egypt between 2014–2017. It focuses on three personal narratives that reveal the complex ways in which a theology of love affects social and political stances. An anthropological focus reveals the fluid boundaries between secular and religious expressions of Christian love. Love for God and for humans are seen as partaking in one divine love. Practicing this love, however, shapes very different responses and can lead to what has been described as Coptic ‘passive victim behaviour’, but also to political activity against the status-quo.

scholarly journals Implikasi Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Terhadap Pembubaran Partai Politik Di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-239
Author(s):  
Hasir Budiman Ritonga
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Supreme Court ◽  
Legal Status ◽  
Judicial Power ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
The Supreme Court ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Republic

Judicial power in Indonesia under the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia shall be exercised by the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court. One of the authority of the Constitutional Court according to the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is to decide the dissolution of political parties. The facts in the current Indonesian system of ketatanegaran no cases of political parties that were dissolved through the decision of the Constitutional Court, it's just that the problem is when the Constitutional Court uses its authority to break the dissolution of political parties there are things that are formal juridically there is no clear rules, such as the legal status of party members who are not directly involved in the violation committed by the party and the status of party members who hold the position of members of the legislature both at the center and in the regions. So for that must be resolved by emphasizing the certainty, justice and benefit in the decision of the constitutional court

The Development of Political Parties in Western Nigeria

1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 693-707 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter C. Lloyd
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
West African ◽  
Political Activity ◽  
Western World ◽  
Standards Of Living ◽  
British Colonial ◽  
Party Members ◽  
The Government ◽  
Peasant Revolt ◽  
Nationalist Parties

Among the various forms of indigenous political activity in Africa today, that of the nationalist parties of the British West African colonies is perhaps the most prominent. In the Gold Coast and Nigeria these parties have almost achieved self-government for their territories; they now form the government or opposition parties in elected parliaments. They should be clearly distinguished from other types of nationalist movements, such as nativistic uprisings or syncretist movements of religious or tribal associations. As Coleman says: “African nationalism is not merely a peasant revolt …. Where it is most advanced [it] has been sparked and led by the so-called detribalized, Western-educated, middle-class intellectuals and professional Africans; by those who in terms of improved status and material standards of living have benefited most from colonialism; in short, by those who have come closest to the Western World but have been denied entry on full terms of equality.” Many of the members of these nationalist parties had, in their acceptance of a European style of life, turned their backs on the politically inert peasant mass from which they had risen, although in recent years there has been a growing interest on the part of the intellectuals in indigenous culture and history. In other parts of the world, such parties achieved power through revolution; in West Africa, the British colonial governments, in collaboration with these parties, drew up new constitutions and the party members were elected to power by ballot. To retain power the politicians have had to take party politics to the smallest towns and villages, where even nationalism had scarcely existed.

scholarly journals Demokrati og jødisk fundamentalisme i Israel

2000 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Steensgaard Paludan
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Population Increase ◽  
Constitutional Court ◽  
Jewish Law ◽  
High Court ◽  
Power Base ◽  
The Status ◽  
Liberal Concept ◽  
Natural Population Increase

This study – Jewish Fundamentalism in Israel and Democracy – examines the political concepts and practice of the haredi (ultra-orthodox) political parties, Shas and United Torah Judaism. It tries to establish their traditionalist concept of legitimate political power and its distinctions compared to modern concepts. Basing itself to a large extent on the writings of Rabbi Eliezer Menahem Shahk and the “Lithuanian” haredi daily Yated Neeman, the article investigates the haredi understanding of freedom and democracy versus traditional Jewish law (halakhah), focusing on both haredi theoretical explanations of the concepts and on their actual political practice. It especially examines the haredi attitudes as regards three subjects: issues concerning a possible Israeli constitution, basic laws, and the function of the high court as a constitutional court. Hereby the differences between the haredi understanding and use of the term democracy and the modern liberal concept are pointed out. The last part of the article focuses on the electoral basis of haredi power, the growth of haredi communities by natural population increase, new haredi immigrants, new returnees to tradition, and the ability of in particular Shas to enlist voters from traditional (but non-orthodox) economically weak Sephardic circles. The article points to weaknesses in this power base which could in the future create problems for the haredi parties in their attempt to preserve the “status quo”, the balance between secular and religious in Israeli public life.

scholarly journals Transitions and non-transitions from neoliberalism in Latin America and Southern Europe

Politics ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 026339572110483
Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Ferrero ◽  
Ramón I Centeno ◽  
Antonios Roumpakis
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
State Power ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Southern Europe ◽  
National Elections ◽  
Democratic Polity ◽  
The Status ◽  
Class Power ◽  
Post War

We seek to disentangle the process through which some democratic polities ‘escape’ from neoliberal rule while others do not. We understand neoliberalism as the resulting equilibrium provoked by the restoration of class power that undermined the pro-labour policies of the post-war period. Why do some democracies enter a route of political experimentation that challenges the status quo while others remain ‘trapped’ in an orthodox neoliberal settlement? Our argument is that for a democratic polity to initiate a transition from neoliberal rule, there needs to be a crisis of neoliberal rule, a compelling alternative willing to contend for state power in national elections, and a reliable democratic settlement that allows the victory of the challenger – that is, the alternative – over the neoliberal rulers. This model will be discussed by examining the following three cases: Argentina, Greece, and Mexico.

Rising Lebanese chaos may hinder elites and protesters

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
Mass Casualties ◽  
Business Elites ◽  
Content Type ◽  
Civil Strife ◽  
The Status ◽  
Flow Through

Significance COVID-19 cases have spiked in the wake of the devastating August 4 explosion that destroyed parts of Beirut, causing mass casualties and forcing the resignation of Prime Minister Hassan Diab. President Michel Aoun is now engaged in consultations with all political parties to appoint a new premier. Impacts Despite donor efforts, reconstruction aid will likely flow through channels that bolster sectarian political and business elites. Protesters will try to form a political party that can compete in the next elections; there could be several, as the movement may fragment. Some elements might consider a more violent approach to overturning the status quo, disregarding the risks of civil strife.

Dinasti Politik dalam Pilkada di Indonesia

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 111 ◽  
Author(s):  
Martien Herna Susanti
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
National Level ◽  
Status Quo ◽  
The Body ◽  
The Political ◽  
Checks And Balances ◽  
The Status ◽  
Party Elites ◽  
Dynastic Politics

The presence of political dynasties in power struggles from regional to national level is inseparable from the role of political parties and the regulation of the regional head elections. Oligarchy on the body of a political party can be seen from the tendency of candidates nominating by political parties based more on the wishes of party elites, not through democratic mechanisms by considering the ability and integrity of the candidates. Simultaneously, political dynasties continue to establish solid networks of power so they can dominate and kill democracy within political parties. In the context of society, there is also an effort to maintain the status quo in the region by encouraging families or people close to the head of the region to replace the incumbent. Weak regulation to trim political dynasties has contributed to the widespread political dynasty in the regional head elections. The practice of dynastic politics is also suspected to make the weakness of checks and balances function to the effect of corruption acts committed by the head of the region and their relatives. In the year 2017 is the second half of a new round of regional head elections, after the first half in 2015. The regional head elections system is new, but the old faces that are nothing but the continuity of the political dynasty characterize this Pilkada event which is feared could threaten the phase of democratic transition towards consolidation of democracy.Keyword: Political Dynasties, Democracy, The Regional Head Elections

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