Ambiguous Legacy: The Social Construction of the Kuhnian Revolution and Its Consequences for the Sociology of Science

2000 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-155 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zaheer Baber
1991 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Robert Brown

The most embarrassing thing about ‘facts’ is the etymology of the word. The Latin facere means to make or construct. Bruno Latour, like so many other anti-realists who revel in the word’s history, thinks facts are made by us: they are a social construction. The view acquires some plausibility in Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of Scientific Facts (hereafter LL) which Latour co-authored with Steve Woolgar.1 This work, first published a decade ago, has become a classic in the sociology of science literature. It is in the form of field notes by an ‘anthropologist in the lab.’ This may seem an odd place for an anthropologist, but Latour finds his presence easy to justify. ‘Whereas we have a fairly detailed knowledge of the myths and circumcision rituals of exotic tribes, we remain relatively ignorant of the details of equivalent activity among tribes of scientists … ’ (LL, 17).


Author(s):  
Robert A Skinner ◽  
Jemina Napier ◽  
Nicholas R Fyfe

How the police prepare for and engage with a citizen who is deaf and uses British Sign Language (BSL) is a national problem. From the perspective of deaf sign language users, the police remain largely inaccessible and unprepared in how to accommodate their linguistic needs. Four regional forces have responded to this issue by introducing a local solution, a bespoke 101 non-emergency video relay service (101VRS). Independent VRS companies function as the auxiliary service, mediating video calls to a 101 helpline. This service was identified as a simple solution that relied on minimal resourcing and input from the police. In using Pinch and Bijker’s social construction of technology (SCOT) framework, we look at competing interpretations of the 101VRS concept and how this has led to a range of intended and unintended solutions and problems (Pinch TJ and Bijker WE (1984) The social construction of facts and artefacts: or how the sociology of science and the sociology of technology might benefit each other. Social Studies of Science 14(3): 399–441). To maintain the investment in improving access to the police, we recommend harmonization of 101VRS nationally, and ongoing consultation with how front-line services can become better prepared at assisting deaf citizens.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Akhyar Yusuf

<p>An American philosopher, Thomas Samuel Kuhn (1922-1996) in his books, The Structure of Scientific Revolution (1962) and The Essential Tension; Selected Studies in Scientific Tradition and Change (1977) poses a paradigm of a universal foundation of science which uses a common fact, method, language and criteria. He does not think that even in the realm of the natural sciences, there are differences, more so that there is a paradigm in the humanities including the arts and literature. Kuhn, however, has established a new paradigm for the philosophy of science which he called “the sociology of science” or a social construction, which now is popular as a constructive paradigm. It is developed in the Critical Theory of Adorno, Horkheimer, and Habermas, and in the Postmodern Theory of Lyotard, Derrida, Foucault, and Baudrillard. The paradigm of the social-political and cultural discourses of the seventies, has developed from structuralism of Saussure and Levi Strauss to post-structuralism or deconstructionism of Jacques Derrida and Paul de Mann referring to contemporary or postmodern era. It rejects stable understanding, logocentrism, antibinary, and gives readers ways to understand a text. The methods used is interpretative paradigm, such as philology, Marxist, new historicism, structuralism, psychoanalysis, theory of acceptance, semiotics, deconstruction, and discourse analysis.</p>


1992 ◽  
Vol 37 (11) ◽  
pp. 1186-1186
Author(s):  
Garth J. O. Fletcher

2010 ◽  
pp. 73-89
Author(s):  
M.-F. Garcia

The article examines social conditions and mechanisms of the emergence in 1982 of a «Dutch» strawberry auction in Fontaines-en-Sologne, France. Empirical study of this case shows that perfect market does not arise per se due to an «invisible hand». It is a social construction, which could only be put into effect by a hard struggle between stakeholders and large investments of different forms of capital. Ordinary practices of the market dont differ from the predictions of economic theory, which is explained by the fact that economic theory served as a frame of reference for the designers of the auction. Technological and spatial organization as well as principal rules of trade was elaborated in line with economic views of perfect market resulting in the correspondence between theory and reality.


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