The American Review of Public Administration: A Biography

2021 ◽  
pp. 027507402110182
Author(s):  
Laurie N. DiPadova-Stocks ◽  
H. George Frederickson ◽  
John Clayton Thomas
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Kansas City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
American Review ◽  
University Of Missouri ◽  
Manuscript Review ◽  
National Governments

This article is an intellectual history of the noble endeavors and challenges involved in the creation and evolution of the American Review of Public Administration. It traces the journal’s development from its beginning as the Midwest Review of Public Administration ( MRPA) under the leadership of Park College professor Jerzy Hauptmann, a Polish intellectual who entered the United States at the end of World War II. Hauptmann launched MRPA with a regional focus, welcoming contributions from a variety of voices in public service–related occupations. A political scientist suspicious of the power of national governments, Hauptmann favored a less top-down regional approach. The article provides insights from the late 1960s into the growing field of public administration. Behind the scenes, the article chronicles the financial challenges, details of manuscript review processes, and more in an initially low-technology world. This history is also multi-institutional, detailing the journal’s transfer from a small college to a team of scholars, including coauthor John Clayton Thomas, at the three public administration programs of the University of Missouri—in Columbia, Kansas City, and St. Louis. We are indebted to our now-departed colleague and coauthor, George Frederickson, for the idea of writing this article.

The Recording of World War II

1944 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 331-342 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Federal Government ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Federal Agencies ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
World War ◽  
The Public ◽  
Administrative Experience ◽  
Indispensable Tool

The nation at war, in mobilizing its total resources, has called increasingly upon political scientists to contribute their efforts in the public service. In most instances, the political scientist serving the federal government has not come in directly under the banner of his own profession, even though his training may be highly pertinent to his immediate responsibilities. Those who are associated with the historical records program, however, have been especially able to relate their previous preparation to their present work in the federal agencies.This expanding program reflects the growing appreciation of the need for a full understanding of the way in which the war is being conducted by both military and civilian agencies. Not only is there a widespread desire for more adequate records than we possess of previous wars, but there is also the conviction on the part of many officials that the immediate funding of our administrative experience is essential to successful formulation and execution of policy. While adequate records as an indispensable tool of good management serve current utility, at the same time they contribute to the longer-run task of creating a full and objective account of American participation in World War II. From the standpoint of future study of government and public administration, the work on war records which has been initiated in the federal government shows distinct promise.

Thomas Jefferson’s Role in Transforming Higher Education Curriculum in the United States

Public Voices ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 15
Author(s):  
Stephanie Newbold
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Liberal Arts ◽  
The United States ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Public Institution ◽  
Careful Examination ◽  
Institutional Legitimacy ◽  
Higher Education Curriculum

For decades, public administrative scholars and historians have maintained that while Thomas Jefferson had an extraordinary substantive mind, he was not a formative figure within the intellectual, institutional, and constitutional development of public administration theory and practice. Thoroughly investigating Jefferson’s early political career does reveal that he was not interested in the daily operations of government, but as time progressed his lengthy career in public service began to transform his opinions on the relationship between good government and good administration and how sound administrative practice complemented many of the republican values espoused in The Federalist. Upon a careful examination of Jefferson’s retirement years, when he dedicated the remainder of his life to establishing the University of Virginia, the administrative genius of his mind takes center stage. In this role, Jefferson not only created Virginia’s first public institution for higher education but also dramatically reformed liberal arts curriculum standards for colleges and universities across the nation. Twenty-first century public administration scholars and practitioners should welcome this exceptional contribution to the intellectual history of American public administration with openness and with a renewed commitment to the institutional legitimacy of our field.

Post-Revisionist Cold War - Ambiguous Partnership: Britain and America, 1944–1947. By Robert M. Hathaway. New York: Columbia University Press, 1981. x, 410 pp. - From War to Cold War, 1942–48. By Roy Douglas. New York: St. Martin's, 1981. ix, 224 pp. Photographs. $22.50. - The United States, Great Britain, and the Cold War, 1944–1947. By Terry H. Anderson. Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1981. xi, 256 pp. $18.00. - The End of an Alliance: James F. Byrnes, Roosevelt, Truman, and the Origins of the Cold War. By Robert L. Messer. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982. x, 282 pp. Illustrations. $19.95. - Witnesses to the Origins of the Cold War. Edited by Thomas T. Hammond. Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1982. 318 pp. $22.50. - Bitter Legacy: Polish-American Relations in the Wake of World War II. By Richard C. Lukas. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1982. 191 pp. $16.00. - American Intervention in Greece, 1943–1949. By Lawrence S. Wittner. New York: Columbia University Press, 1982. xii, 445 pp. - Strategies of Containment: A Critical Appraisal of Postwar American National Security Policy. By John Lewis Gaddis. New York: Oxford University Press, 1982. xi, 432 pp. $9.95, paper. - Stalin's American Policy: From Entente to Détente to Cold War. By William Taubman. New York: Norton, 1982. xii, 291 pp. $18.95. - Soviet Foreign Policy Since World War II. By Joseph L. Nogee and Robert H. Donaldson. New York: Pergamon Press, 1982. vii, 320 pp. $35.00, cloth. $10.95, paper.

Slavic Review ◽  
1983 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 662-668
Author(s):  
Vojtech Mastny
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Columbia University ◽  
World War ◽  
University Of Missouri ◽  
Soviet Foreign Policy ◽  
The Cold War

THINKING AND NOT THINKING ABOUT RACE IN THE UNITED STATES

2005 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 433-446
Author(s):  
DAVID FARBER
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Equal Opportunity ◽  
Minority Rights ◽  
The United States ◽  
Racial Justice ◽  
Civil Rights Act ◽  
American Society

John Skrentny, The Minority Rights Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002)Richard King, Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, 1940–1970 (Washington, DC: Woodrow Wilson Press, 2004)Since June 1964, all three branches of the federal government have supported the goal of racial justice in the United States. John Skrentny, in The Minority Rights Revolution, explains how that goal and related ones have been implemented over the last sixty years. He argues that key policy developments since that time were driven less by mass movements and much more by elite “meaning entrepreneurs.” Well before the 1964 Civil Rights Act was made law, in the immediate post-World War II years, a bevy of transatlantic intellectuals responded to Nazi race policy by seeking a universalist vision that would unite humanity. Richard King, in Race, Culture and the Intellectuals, explores how intellectuals pursued that anti-racist universalist vision and then how African and African-American intellectuals in the 1960s, in particular, rejected universalism and began, instead, to pursue racial justice through cultural particularism. King's traditional intellectual history, when combined with Skrentny's sociological analysis of how elites managed ideas to pursue specific policies, reveals how American society, in pursuit of racial justice, moved from the simple stated ideals of the 1964 Civil Rights Act—equal opportunity and access—to the complexities of affirmative action and an embrace of “diversity” in American life.

scholarly journals Questioning the Constitutional Order: A Comparison of the French and the U.S. Politics–Administration Dichotomy Controversies After World War II

2016 ◽  
Vol 47 (7) ◽  
pp. 737-751 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Rosser ◽  
Céline Mavrot
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
General Interest ◽  
World War ◽  
Constitutional Order ◽  
American Society ◽  
The U.S

By comparing the French and the U.S. controversies on the appropriate position of public administration within the constitutional order of the state after World War II, this article aims to contribute to the historical clarification of the politics–administration dichotomy as one of the key ideas of administrative research and theory. The article underscores that the same phenomenon—the rejection of the dichotomy—has led to different conclusions among administrative scholars on both sides of the Atlantic. In the United States, the dichotomy was rejected in favor of a reinforcement of the legislature and the judiciary as well as a more representative administration to preserve the plurality of interests of American society. In contrast, the French rejection was aimed toward strengthening the executive and the administrative elite as guardians of the general interest. The article illustrates how ideas and values about public administration change according to different spatiotemporal contexts. If these contexts are disregarded, understanding remains fragmentary at best, if not misleading.

The Loyalty Oath Issue in Iowa, 1951

1961 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-869
Author(s):  
Arnold A. Rogow
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Civil Liberties ◽  
The United States ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Nineteen Fifties ◽  
Mccarthy Era ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Loyalty Oath

When the political scientist attempts to assess the state of civil liberties in America following World War II, he confronts a voluminous record of episodes and events. Most of the books, articles, and other documents so far available suggest that the fear of communist subversion carried Americans very far from the spirit, if not the letter, of the Bill of Rights. Indeed, it is possible to conclude that the hysteria associated with the name of Joseph R. McCarthy permeated almost every state, city and hamlet in America, and that McCarthy himself, in the words of Richard H. Rovere, “held two Presidents captive, or as nearly captive as any Presidents of the United States have ever been held …” The political scientist may therefore be persuaded that the label McCarthy Era better fits the Nineteen Fifties than the alternative designation, Eisenhower Era.It may be hoped, however, that his research will not overlook those incidents, however rare, which suggest that fear and suspicion did not entirely dominate the national scene. One such incident, of more than ordinary interest, occurred in Iowa during the early months of 1951. By April, 1951, more than one year had elapsed since the late junior Senator from Wisconsin had produced his famous if elusive “list” of card-carrying communists in the State Department. The Korean War, moving toward the end of its first winter, promoted a mood which was, on the whole, favorable to the Senator's activities. Nevertheless, in April, 1951, the Iowa Senate overwhelmingly rejected a loyalty oath measure which was much less stringent than those that had previously been approved in almost half the states. The action of the Iowa Senate, moreover, was not merely unusual or exceptional in 1951; it appears to be without precedent in recent history. So far as is known, Iowa was the only state in which a loyalty oath measure was defeated by vote in the legislature.

THE EVANGELICAL MIND IN A SECULAR AGE

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 805-817 ◽  
Author(s):  
MATTHEW S. HEDSTROM
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
The United States ◽  
Intellectual Life ◽  
Intellectual Labor ◽  
History Of ◽  
American Evangelicalism ◽  
Evangelical Theology

“Secular intellectuals have not been kind to the evangelical mind,” writes historian Molly Worthen in the opening sentence of Apostles of Reason: The Crisis of Authority in American Evangelicalism. Her history of evangelical thought after World War II is an extended effort to understand why. The answers, it turns out, entail not only specific and important critiques of evangelical theology, but also much larger trajectories in the modern intellectual history of the United States. Theology, after all, was once “the queen of the sciences,” the very foundation of all other intellectual labor, and remained central to American academic and intellectual culture well into the nineteenth century. Beginning at least with Thomas Jefferson in the United States, however, main currents in Protestant theology and elite intellectual life began their slow and steady divergence, a process that reached critical mass early in the twentieth century. Nowhere has this divergence been more evident, or created more crisis and drama, than among evangelicals.

scholarly journals BEYOND “ACADEMICIZATION”: THE POSTWAR AMERICAN UNIVERSITY AND INTELLECTUAL HISTORY

2011 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 127-146 ◽  
Author(s):  
RICHARD F. TEICHGRAEBER
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Creative Writing ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
The United States ◽  
Writing Programs ◽  
Degree Programs ◽  
Graduate Degree ◽  
World War ◽  
American University ◽  
Creative Writing Programs

The still astonishing expansion of the American university since World War II has transformed the nation's intellectual and cultural life in myriad ways. Most intellectual historians familiar with this period would agree, I suppose, that among the conspicuous changes is the sheer increase in the size and diversity of intellectual and cultural activity taking place on campuses across the country. After all, we know that colleges and universities that employ us also provide full- and part-time academic appointments to novelists, poets, playwrights, filmmakers, choreographers, composers, classical and jazz musicians, painters, photographers, and sculptors, even though most of them probably began their careers with little or no desire to join us in the halls of academe. This now widespread employment practice has decentralized the nation's literary and artistic talent. It also has made for a manifold increase in degree-granting programs in writing and the creative arts. One example will suffice here. When World War II ended, there were a small handful of university-based creative-writing programs. Over the course of the next thirty years, the number increased to fifty-two. By 1985, there were some 150 graduate degree programs offering an MA, MFA, or PhD. As of 2004, there were more than 350 creative-writing programs in the United States, all staffed by practicing writers and poets, many of whom now also hold advanced degrees in creative writing. (If one includes current undergraduate degree programs, the number grows to 720.)

Industrialization and Urbanization in the United States, 1880–1929

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Rees
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Kansas City ◽  
The United States ◽  
Washington Dc ◽  
Industrial Growth ◽  
Physical Size ◽  
Small Areas ◽  
Suburban Areas ◽  
Technological Developments

Between 1880 and 1929, industrialization and urbanization expanded in the United States faster than ever before. Industrialization, meaning manufacturing in factory settings using machines plus a labor force with unique, divided tasks to increase production, stimulated urbanization, meaning the growth of cities in both population and physical size. During this period, urbanization spread out into the countryside and up into the sky, thanks to new methods of building taller buildings. Having people concentrated into small areas accelerated economic activity, thereby producing more industrial growth. Industrialization and urbanization thus reinforced one another, augmenting the speed with which such growth would have otherwise occurred. Industrialization and urbanization affected Americans everywhere, but especially in the Northeast and Midwest. Technological developments in construction, transportation, and illumination, all connected to industrialization, changed cities forever, most immediately those north of Washington, DC and east of Kansas City. Cities themselves fostered new kinds of industrial activity on large and small scales. Cities were also the places where businessmen raised the capital needed to industrialize the rest of the United States. Later changes in production and transportation made urbanization less acute by making it possible for people to buy cars and live further away from downtown areas in new suburban areas after World War II ended.

What a Long Strange Trip It’s Been

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. A. W. Rhodes
Keyword(s):  
Service Delivery ◽  
Public Administration ◽  
Intellectual History ◽  
Public Service ◽  
Policy Networks ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Human Sciences ◽  
Public Service Delivery ◽  
The Social ◽  
Comparative Government

This chapter consists of a brief intellectual history setting the context for the following chapters. It describes the author’s journey from traditional public administration to policy networks to governance and the development of the author’s career as political scientist. Along the way there were various diversions and the author briefly describes his work on the ESRC’s Whitehall Programme, comparative government, and the study of the British executive. The chapter concludes that the discipline of public administration has survived and even thrived because some of its leading players mastered the ‘trick’ of linking policy to academic theory. We may specialize in central–local relationships, public service delivery, or other topics of the day, but we must link such topics to broader agendas in the social and human sciences. Otherwise we become either mere technicians or loyal servants of power or, of course, both.

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