The plight of indigenous peoples within the context of conflict mediation, peace talks and human rights in Mindanao, the Philippines

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 145 (1) ◽  
pp. 28-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sedfrey M. Candelaria
Keyword(s):  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
Peace Initiatives ◽  
Strategic Role ◽  
Philippine Government

Republic Act 8371 or the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act of 1997 (IPRA) was passed by the Philippine Congress in order to address the concerns of the indigenous communities which had received marginal attention through the past decades. Indigenous communities have also been displaced from their lands due to armed conflicts between government soldiers and secessionist groups, particularly the Moro rebels and the communist-led New Peoples’ Army. The Philippines has been privy to peace initiatives with these two groups for some time now. Political circumstances, however, and legal impediments have periodically stalled the peace processes. It is the author’s intention to focus on the predicament of indigenous communities as they seek a strategic role in shaping the content of peace agreements being negotiated by the Philippine government with the rebel groups. How have the indigenous communities made an impression on the two peace processes through the years? And, have the indigenous peoples’ rights been sufficiently protected in the context of the peace agreements? The author will draw from his own insights on the peace processes and agreements which have been negotiated and even tested before the Supreme Court of the Philippines.

scholarly journals THE PHILIPPINES: THE CHALLENGES OF MORO AND LUMAD POWER-SHARING IN THE BANGSAMORO

2021 ◽  
Vol 35 ◽  
pp. 70-88
Author(s):  
Jose Mikhail PEREZ
Keyword(s):  
Identity Politics ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Power Sharing ◽  
Regional Government ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Peace Agreements ◽  
History Of ◽  
Late Twentieth ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Philippine Government

Two self-ascribed ethnic groups—Moro and Lumad—are native to Mindanao in the southern Philippines. Both groups share a common history of oppression from Western colonialism, Christian resettlement, and capitalist interests where the former has waged a more organized insurgency against the Philippine government in the late twentieth century. Due to the political superiority of the Moros, the Lumads are often left marginalized in the various peace processes in Mindanao due to their accommodation to the Moro’s call for the creation of anautonomous region under an internal power-sharing agreement. This form of double marginalization against the Lumad promotes a sense of internal colonialism where such arrangements are only left between the Bangsamoro regional government and the Philippine national government, thereby forcing the latter to accommodate to Moro interests. Analyzing the text of the recent peace agreements between the Republic of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (GRP-MILF), the article attempts to understand the conflict dynamics between Moros and Lumads under power-sharing and power-dividing measures. The article concludes that consociationalismin ethnically divided societies often lead to more ethnic cleavages if done haphazardly to favor certain interests while leaving ethnic minorities at a disadvantage. Keywords: Moro, Lumad, Mindanao, Bangsamoro, consociationalism, identity politics.

scholarly journals Rethinking the Issue of Non-Compensability of Civilian Losses Caused by Security Forces During Non-International Armed Conflicts: The Case of the Marawi Crisis in the Philippines

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Norhabib Bin Suod Sumndad Barodi
Keyword(s):  
International Law ◽  
Final Analysis ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Security Forces ◽  
Property Losses ◽  
Legal Contexts ◽  
Philippine Government ◽  
Ultimate Objective ◽  
Domestic Law

The terrorism element attendant in an armed conflict does not alter its destructive nature vis-à-vis civilian properties. One example is the Marawi crisis where the Philippine security forces, in response to the threat to national security, territorial integrity, and sovereignty, resorted to aerial bombings and shelling of private buildings, residential houses, and masajid infiltrated by local terrorists, resulting in the destruction of these civilian properties. This article addresses the issue of non-compensability of these civilian property losses. Arguments in favour of and against non-compensability are presented against the backdrop of the concept of reparations in both international law and Philippine domestic law. Based on existing legal realities in Philippine domestic law and jurisprudence, this article finds that reparations in the form of compensation in the context of the Marawi crisis may not be imposed upon the Philippine government as a legal obligation. However, Philippine domestic law and jurisprudence likewise provides for sufficient grounds that reparations in the form of compensation has become the moral obligation of the Philippine government, which it must pursue in the name of justice under a regime of rule of law. Yet ironically, while justice especially during the transition is the ultimate objective of reparations both in its moral and legal contexts, it is only in the latter context that reparations may be pursued judicially. In the final analysis, the non-compensability issue, though a legal one, is a question of choice on the part of the Philippine government.

Female Combatants in Postconflict Processes: Understanding the Roots of Exclusion

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexis Leanna Henshaw
Keyword(s):  
Feminist Theory ◽  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Security Studies ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
The World ◽  
Internal Armed Conflicts

Abstract Research on contemporary internal armed conflicts has consistently shown that women are active in most armed insurgencies, in groups with varied ideologies, and in every region of the world. However, scholarship from feminist security studies shows that, not only are women still generally underrepresented in peace processes, but women affiliated with rebel groups in particular are more likely to be excluded from disarmament, demobilization, and reintegration (DDR) efforts. Closing this gap is a necessary next step for improving the security of women. This article draws on feminist theory and feminist security studies literature to highlight four factors that contribute to the exclusion of insurgent women from DDR efforts: attributions of agency, gendered hierarchy within groups, the tendency to collapse complex intersectionalities, and the pressure for patriarchal reordering after conflict. Drawing on selected cases, I illustrate each of these factors at work and discuss the implications for female ex-combatants, policy-makers, and scholars.

scholarly journals Igorots in the Blogosphere: Claiming Spaces, Re-constructing Identities

2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Liezel C. Longboan
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Total Population ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The Internet ◽  
Mainstream Media ◽  
Indigenous Groups ◽  
The Media

Indigenous peoples in the Philippines have rarely been covered by the mainstream media, despite comprising 20 percent of the country’s total population. Lacking access to the media due to various constraints, they have had limited opportunities to create content themselves. But the emergence of the Internet, particularly blogs, is now providing members of indigenous communities with the much-needed space for self-expression. More particularly, several indigenous groups in North Luzon, collectively known as Igorots, are using blogs more extensively to re-construct and re-present their ethnic identity in cyberspace. For this paper, I shall describe how a group of Igorot bloggers protested about a controversial Igorot statue and how this eventually led to its removal.

scholarly journals Bringing a Gender Perspective to the Peace Table: Women in Myanmar’s Peace Process

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Zin Mar Thein
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Building Process ◽  
Peace Initiatives ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
Victims Of Violence ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender

<p>Ethnic division and inequality lie at the heart of Myanmar's internal conflicts. In these conflicts, ethnic women are the most vulnerable group based on their ethnicity and gender. They are not only victims of violence, they have also been systematically marginalized from formal peace processes under both military and civilian governments. This thesis uses a feminist constructivist approach to examine the gendered role of women and girls in Myanmar society and the impacts of armed conflicts on women and girls in the conflict areas. The thesis discusses the history of ethnic divisions in Myanmar since independence in 1948, various peace initiatives pursued by Myanmar governments and the experiences of women and girls during conflict and their involvement in the more recent peace-building process. Drawing on extensive interviews with officials, politicians and civil society representatives, the thesis argues that if a sustainable and just peace is to be built in Myanmar, women need to be given a greater role. It also identifies obstacles that need to be overcome if women are to participate effectively in both formal and informal peace processes.</p>

scholarly journals The question of survival: understanding the impact of liberalisation and development on indigenous peoples in Mindanao, Philippines

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Adora Penaco Pueblos
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
Political Ecology ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Resource Development ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Smooth Transition ◽  
Research Trend ◽  
Fundamental Relation ◽  
The Impact

<p>This thesis aims to study the impact of mineral resource development on the indigenous peoples in the Philippines, focussing primarily on the consequential effect of the destruction of their ancestral domains and loss of access to their sacred spaces as it relates to their survival. Further, it seeks to bring to the widest attention possible their little known struggles against the invading and destructive forces of development, particularly large-scale mining, in their traditional areas. Most of all, this research ambitions to (1) debunk the prevailing research trend of dismissing emotions as irrational, illogical and useless in research because it is unquantifiable, and therefore, unscientific; and (2) critique Western-influenced paradigms on development by shedding light on the limitations of Eurocentric commitment to orthodox discourses that valorise resource development as supreme over cultural meanings and view environment as something completely detached from humans. In this study is presented the conflicting sides found at the heart of this age-old problem: the opposing views of government/mining companies on one hand, and those of the indigenous peoples on the other, their differing perceptions and stance on the issue of exploitation and control of natural resources found in ancestral domains.  This research explored the deep emotional connections of indigenous peoples to their ancestral domains and how these are inexorably linked to their cultural identity. The data illustrate their profound sufferings in the hands of development agents and, paradoxically, the Philippine government itself through its open-arms policy on foreign investments and liberalised mining laws, heavily compounded by the unwarranted deployment of the military to ensure a smooth transition in approved mining areas.  Using de-colonising methodologies and research approaches to tackle the issue, empirical data gathered are drawn from participant observation, semi-structured interviews and informal indigenous communities, and later organised according to themes evident upon collation of data. The findings are linked to a wider theoretical context and complemented with analyses of academic literature orientated to post-structural political ecology, emotional geographies and indigenous geographies that support the arguments in this study.  As well as highlighting potential areas for future studies on indigenous peoples, this research points to the root cause of the problem to a people’s fundamental loss of power that denies them their control over their emotional spaces, resources and destiny. Accordingly, this fundamental relation needs to be given greater consideration in policy formulation and implementation of regulations that govern environment, natural resources and ancestral domains.</p>

scholarly journals Bringing a Gender Perspective to the Peace Table: Women in Myanmar’s Peace Process

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Zin Mar Thein
Keyword(s):  
Armed Conflicts ◽  
Peace Building ◽  
Internal Conflicts ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Building Process ◽  
Peace Initiatives ◽  
Women And Girls ◽  
Victims Of Violence ◽  
And Gender ◽  
Ethnicity And Gender

<p>Ethnic division and inequality lie at the heart of Myanmar's internal conflicts. In these conflicts, ethnic women are the most vulnerable group based on their ethnicity and gender. They are not only victims of violence, they have also been systematically marginalized from formal peace processes under both military and civilian governments. This thesis uses a feminist constructivist approach to examine the gendered role of women and girls in Myanmar society and the impacts of armed conflicts on women and girls in the conflict areas. The thesis discusses the history of ethnic divisions in Myanmar since independence in 1948, various peace initiatives pursued by Myanmar governments and the experiences of women and girls during conflict and their involvement in the more recent peace-building process. Drawing on extensive interviews with officials, politicians and civil society representatives, the thesis argues that if a sustainable and just peace is to be built in Myanmar, women need to be given a greater role. It also identifies obstacles that need to be overcome if women are to participate effectively in both formal and informal peace processes.</p>

Considering concessions: A survey experiment on the Colombian peace process

2018 ◽  
Vol 35 (6) ◽  
pp. 637-655 ◽  
Author(s):  
Aila M Matanock ◽  
Natalia Garbiras-Díaz
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Civil Conflict ◽  
Survey Experiment ◽  
Electoral Process ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Popular Support ◽  
Peace Processes ◽  
Rebel Groups ◽  
Peace Agreements

Designing peace agreements that can be signed and sustained can be difficult in civil conflict. Many recent cases of successful settlements include electoral provisions, often for rebel groups to participate as political parties. Engaging the electoral process, however, can also open the peace process to the population at large, potentially derailing a settlement or some of its provisions, perhaps especially those related to politics. In this paper, we examine popular support for peace processes, specific electoral provisions, and potential concessions that provide former rebels with protections, legitimacy, and power. Using a survey experiment in Colombia, we find that the peace process overall is more popular than its electoral provisions, and that rebel endorsement of the provisions further diminishes support. These results contribute to an explanation of why the 2016 Colombian plebiscite on the peace agreement failed and to an understanding of how design matters to agreement effectiveness.

Living with the problem of national parks

Thesis Eleven ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 145 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-76 ◽  
Author(s):  
Padmapani L. Perez ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Parks ◽  
Indigenous Peoples ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
National Park ◽  
Group Discussion ◽  
Indigenous Communities ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
Self Determination ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
The Cost

‘You mean to say we’re not the only people in the world with the problem of a national park?’ This question was raised during a focus group discussion held with an indigenous community whose ancestral domain overlaps entirely with a national park in the Philippine Cordillera. The question encapsulates an experience shared across the Philippines, particularly in spaces where both the Indigenous Peoples’ Rights Act and the National Integrated Protected Areas System are implemented. This paper examines recent developments in indigenous leaders’ participation in, and critique of, the implementation of these two laws and the development of environmental policies. It follows an emerging, multi-sectoral movement calling for the recognition of Indigenous Communities Conserved Areas and Territories (ICCAs), which has led to the crafting of a draft law. The ICCA bill is envisioned as a law that will resolve indigenous peoples’ problems with national parks, while meeting biodiversity conservation targets. The authors direct attention to how indigenous leaders campaigning for the ICCA bill are asserting their right to delineate space and make decisions in the contexts of policy-making and implementation. It is argued here that their articulations are registers of indigenous critique. Taking these critiques seriously has the potential to drive conservation policy-making past the stewardship stalemate, where conservation goals are pursued at the cost of indigenous peoples’ right to self-determination and indigenous peoples are expected to perform harmony with nature.

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