Waste policy reforms in developing countries: A comparative study of India and Brazil

2020 ◽  
Vol 38 (9) ◽  
pp. 987-994
Author(s):  
Alexandre Pereira ◽  
Flávio de Miranda Ribeiro ◽  
Robin Jeffrey ◽  
Assa Doron
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Methodological Framework ◽  
Policy Reforms ◽  
Stakeholder Groups ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Waste Policy ◽  
Point Of Departure

Over the last decade India and Brazil implemented waste policy reforms to tackle the constraints of their waste management. This study compares those reforms using the methodological framework proposed by Wilson where waste policy evolves through a series of subsequent stages, depending on two aspects: local circumstances; and stakeholders’ groups. The current research is exploratory in its scope, adopting this method to describe, compare and evaluate both Indian and Brazilian cases, and also verifying how the model performs when applied to developing countries. The paper confirms Wilson’s conclusions, and adds a perception that in developing economies a special local circumstance is to be considered the point of departure, that is, the particular starting point of Wilson’s evolution. In addition, the research concludes that participation of diverse stakeholder groups throughout the political process is fundamental, and could be key to overcoming the risks of policy setbacks.

scholarly journals Indian Strategic Economic Tactics and Emergent Challenges for the Developing Countries of the Region

2017 ◽  
Vol II (I) ◽  
pp. 64-72
Author(s):  
Shahid Iqbal ◽  
Jan Alam ◽  
Muhammad Zia-ur Rehman
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
Political Leadership ◽  
International Community ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Regional Strategies ◽  
The World ◽  
Ruling Party

In this paper, we examine the neighborhood especially Indian strategies for the region. The political philosophies and regional strategies related to developing economies in the region need synergy and strategically positive and constructive in nature. Their philosophy to rule and their foreign policy is different from all the other leadership. Indian Current Ruling Party seems involved in different terrorist activities, such Gujarat attack on Muslims and the incident of the Samjhota express. Indian Current Ruling Partys begins wrongdoing on the innocent Kashmiri, its forces also use pellet guns on Kashmiri Muslims. Indian economic strategy is to invest on Chahbahar Port and wish to side stop the economic mega project of CPEC. Indian influence increased in Afghanistan against Pakistan with the boycott of SAARC conference scheduled in Pakistan. The international community has found that Indian current political leadership is as one of the most influential negative political personality among the world leaders.

scholarly journals Revision of the neo-marxist concept of the “political spectacle"

Moldoscopie ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 70-79
Author(s):  
Vadzim Mikhailouski ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
European Parliament ◽  
Theoretical Development ◽  
Western Society ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Spectacle ◽  
Verification Method ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Marxist Concept ◽  
Two Stages

The article presents an analytical revision of the neo-Marxist concept of the “political spectacle”, in which the main position of political neo-Marxism is formed.There is a possibility of political choice within the framework of the real absence of a political alternative (the political alternative is illusory) in the Western political process. The revision is carried out in two stages: a theoretical revision of the concept (a postpositivist check for falsifiability and a proposal for ways of theoretical development) and an empirical revision of the concept (a positivist check for verifiability). Verification of the neo-Marxist concept of “political spectacle” is carried out on the material of political forces in European Parliament. The verification method is the content analysis of the program documents of the “European Parties”.The article proves that the neo-Marxist concept of “political spectacle” is not theoretically correct enough and does not correspond to the current empirical material. First, the concept proceeds from the normativist view of the manipulative domination of capitalism and thus does not take into account the coordinated functioning of the modern bourgeoisie and the proletariat. Secondly, the example of the 2019 European Parliament elections shows that anti-capitalist forces are present in the Western electoral process and politics. The author concludes that it is necessary to update the neo-Marxist concept of the “political spectacle” on new theoretical grounds. The starting point of the updated concept is the following: the “political spectacle” of capitalism begins after the anti-capitalist forces become the structural elements of the reproduction of capitalist hegemony. On new theoretical grounds, the potential of the concept of “political spectacle” can be directed not to fix the political alienation of Western society, but to explain the capitalist political space as a system that can adaptively accumulate its own systemic deviations (fluctuations).

The International Conference on Islam and Development in Southeast Asia

1991 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 569-572
Author(s):  
Omar Altalib
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Economic Development ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Historical Perspective ◽  
Political Process ◽  
National Development ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Times ◽  
International Conference ◽  
Resource Center

The International Conference on Islam and Development in SoutheastAsia was held during September 25-26, 1991, at the Equatorial Hotel, KualaLumpur, Malaysia. The conference was jointly organized by the Academyof Malay Studies (University of Malaya), the Islamic Academy (Universityof Malaya), and the Information and Resource Center (Singapore) and wassponsored by the Hanns-Seidel Foundation. The conference's stated aim wasto demonstrate the differences in programs for cooperation between Islamiccountries, the integration attempts of developing countries, and the actualeconomic and political situations of Southeast Asian countries.There were four main panels in the program: a) Islam and Developmentin Southeast Asia: A Historical Perspective; b) Islam and the Political Process;c) Islam and Economic Development; and 4) Islam and the Future of theRegion.In the first panel, Khoo Kay Kim (professor of Malaysian history,University of Malaya) pointed out that Muslims have historically emphasizededucation, while in modern times they have tended to allow education tobe shaped by outside rather than inside influences. In addition, Muslimeducation in Southeast Asia has lagged behind national development. Atpresent, the education system in Malaysia continues to produce students who ...

Why Inequality Matters: Some Economic Issues

2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nancy Birdsall
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Income Inequality ◽  
Poverty Reduction ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Well Being ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Industrialized Countries ◽  
Political Costs

Many industrialized countries, developing countries, and countries that have recently made the transition from communism to market-oriented economies are characterized by high and increasing income inequality. Trends in income inequality have been understood to have ethical significance for different reasons. Some have argued that lessening income inequality is a valuable goal in itself. This essay, on the other hand, focuses on three instrumental reasons for pursuing economic policies that engender less income inequality, particularly in developing countries.• Inequality can inhibit growth and slow poverty reduction.• Inequality often undermines the political process: that may lead to an inadequate social contract and may trigger bad economic policies-with ill effects on growth, human development, and poverty reduction.• Inequality may undermine civic and social as well as political life, and inhibit certain kinds of collective decision-making; at the societal level it may also generate its own self-justifying tolerance, perpetuating a high inequality equilibrium despite the potential economic and political costs.The author concludes that while societies with relatively high income inequality can, in principle, be equitable, it is more likely that income differentials will compound and aggravate unfairness in the allocation of opportunities, the functioning of the political process, and efforts to improve the well-being of the least advantaged.

The Question of Ireland: Reflections on Five Books

1984 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 328-338 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Arthur
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Academic Research ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Community ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Vast Literature ◽  
Irish Republic ◽  
General Work

POLITICAL VIOLENCE CREATES ITS OWN MOMENTUM NOT ONLY in the wider security community but also in that refuge for the voyeur, academic research. Before 1968 a mere handful of books looked at the Ulster problem. Since then more than two hundred books and several thousand articles have appreared. But to what avail? In a survey of this vast literature Professor John Whyte concludes that there has been a disproportion between the enormous effort expended and the exiguous results achieved. The purist might maintain that it is not the task of scholars to indulge in political engineering: to those of us who live in the benighted province any port in a storm will do. The merit of these five books is that, wittingly or not, they create some optimism simply because they shift our gaze from the depressing reality of Belfast and examine the problem in a wider context. Of course, that might not be their purpose. Bad Chubb set out with the modest task of explaining the political process of the Irish Republic for the benefit of his own students who had lacked an up-todate general work. Bew and Patterson took as their starting point ‘the irrepressible reality of the class conflict generated by the capitalist structure of the Irish economy’ (p. 187).

A Shining City on Another Hill: Danish Civil Religion as State Mythology

2011 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 235-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Niels Reeh
Keyword(s):  
Political Process ◽  
Civil Religion ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
State Agency ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Approach ◽  
State Recognition ◽  
The Government ◽  
Collective Actor ◽  
Point Of Departure

The author attempts to break with the Durkheimian approach to civil religion and seeks to develop a new approach. It is suggested that state agency could fruitfully be brought into the centre of the analytical framework. Norbert Elias’s concept of the survival unit is adopted and the democratic Danish state is regarded as a complex collective actor, not restricted to the government but comprising also its citizens, who have access, however limited, to the political process. From this point of departure, the Danish flag days are analyzed, including the introduction of official state recognition of Danish soldiers serving abroad. The consequence of the adoption of a state-centred analytical framework is that civil religion can be regarded as the official state myth, the autobiography of the Danish state.

scholarly journals Administrative regulation of the regional electoral cycle in Russia: The main trends of regional heads elections in 2019–2020

2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 354-361
Author(s):  
Andrey V. Samusevich ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Administration ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
Election Campaigns ◽  
Methodological Framework ◽  
Independent Research ◽  
Electoral Cycle ◽  
State Administration ◽  
Administrative Elites

This article elaborates the thesis the process and results of the regional heads elections in 2019 and 2020. An attempt is also made to frame the model of the manageable electoral procedure for the governors’ appointments implemented during the period of the regional election campaigns of 2019 and 2020. The methodological framework includes the design of the regional electoral cycle and the concept of the viability of public administration and administrative elites as an independent research category of political science. Based on the results of the analysis, a conclusion is drawn about the current situation of the state administration and administrative elites in the Russian political system and the degree of their participation in the political process.

scholarly journals The Political as Presence: On Agonism in Citizenship Education

2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 252-265 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ásgeir Tryggvason
Keyword(s):  
Citizenship Education ◽  
Democratic Citizenship ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Democratic Citizenship Education ◽  
Starting Point ◽  
Political Emotions ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
Political Disputes

In recent years, an agonistic approach to citizenship education has been put forward as a way of educating democratic citizens. Claudia W. Ruitenberg (2009) has developed such an approach and takes her starting point in Chantal Mouffe’s agonistic theory. Ruitenberg highlights how political emotions and political disputes can be seen as central for a vibrant democratic citizenship education. The aim of this paper is to critically explore and further develop the concepts of political emotions and political disputes as central components of an agonistic approach. In order to do this, I return to Mouffe’s point of departure in the concept of the political. By drawing on Michael Marder’s (2010) notion of enmity, I suggest how “the presence of the other” can be seen as a vital aspect of the political in citizenship education. By not abandoning the concept of enmity, and with the notion of presence in the foreground, I argue that Ruitenberg’s definition of political emotions needs to be formulated in a way that includes emotions revolving around one’s own existence as a political being. Moreover, I argue that in order to further develop the agonistic approach, the emphasis on the verbalization of opinions in political disputes needs to be relaxed, as it limits the political dimension in education and excludes crucial political practices, such as exodus.

scholarly journals Industrial Policy Dilemmas: Entry Barriers and Cyclical Adjustments

1999 ◽  
Vol 14 (0) ◽  
pp. 87-105
Author(s):  
Junmo Kim
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Developing Countries ◽  
Economies Of Scale ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Entry Barriers ◽  
Entry Barrier ◽  
Korean Economy ◽  
Optimum Scale ◽  
Technological Barriers

Through its three decades of industrialization, the Korean economy has transformed into a heavily industrialized economy. In this transformation, one of the most dramatic developments was Korea's entrance into heavy industrialization due to the government's policy of HCI(Heavy and Chemical Industrialization). (Yotopoulos 1999; Amsden 1989) Heavy industrialization poses great challenges to developing economies which have capital and entry barrier requirements(Bain 1956; Singleton 1997; Seabright 1996; Ziss 1987), while most developing countries have sought such industrialization as one of their developmental goals. Challenges these sectors face range from the hurdles of technological barriers to MOS(Minimum Optimum Scale) or economies of scale to entry. While much has been discussed on the existence of such economies of scale and technological barriers, the Korean case is a clear one that shows the salience of the challenges as they are contested in the political economy.

scholarly journals The Rise and Fall of the Washington/Post Washington Consensus as a Neoclassical Paradigm and Alternative Recommendations of Post Keynesians Economics

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yelda Tekgül ◽  
Mehmet Fatih Cin
Keyword(s):  
Developing Countries ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Developing Economies ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Policy Instruments ◽  
Policy Framework ◽  
Washington Consensus ◽  
Washington Post ◽  
Policy Reforms ◽  
Reasonable Degree

The Washington Consensus was accepted as common wisdom on policies for development and growth. The set of policies of the Washington Consensus was applied to structural crisis in Latin America and developing economies. Williamson identified 10 policy instruments whose proper deployment Washington could muster a reasonable degree of consensus. Williamson summarizes the content of the Washington Consensus as macroeconomic prudence, outward orientation, domestic liberalization, and free market policies consistent with neoclassical mainstream economic theory. The policy set was modified to the point that Williamson substituted the original name with a new label “Post Washington Consensus. The “Post Washington Consensus” designated a “new set of policy reforms” for Latin America and Developing Countries. The aim of this paper is to compare the two sets of controversial policies, the “Washington Consensus” and “Post Washington Consensus” and offer an alternative based on the Post Keynesian framework. The goal of Post Keynesian framework is the promotion of sensible prudent economic and social development that is equitable, stable and sustainable. The main purpose of the Post Keynesian policy framework proposed in this paper is to go beyond the Post Washington Consensus by emphasizing the importance of a possible new direction for economic policy for developing countries.

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