‘I want to be a prime minister’, or what linguistic choice can do for campaigning politicians

2002 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 243-261 ◽  
Author(s):  
Encarnación Hidalgo Tenorio

The aim of this article is to analyse the strategies that politicians can use in order to defeat their political adversaries. To this end, I have put some ideas developed by discourse analysts to the test, taping some of the speeches, interviews and debates of the 2000 electoral campaign in Andalusia (Spain), scrutinizing the four main candidates’ most significant discursive devices and paying special attention to the way they interact with each other, their interviewers and the audience in their political meetings. In this way, I have tried to see whether their different political persuasions may produce a characteristically different distinctive linguistic style, whether gender might influence their choice of discourse structures, and the extent to which the winning candidate’s linguistic idiosyncrasies might have contributed to his success.

2000 ◽  
Vol 11 (5-6) ◽  
pp. 229-248

Good morning. Early next week, Prime minister Barak and Chairman Arafat will come to Camp David at my invitation. A few days before that, their negotiators will arrive to help pave the way for this summit. The objective is to reach an agreement on the core issues that have fueled a half-century of conflict between Israelis and Palestinians.


Significance The Dail convened on March 10 to elect a taoiseach (prime minister), but no nominee was able to attract the support of anything close to a majority. Impacts Ireland's problems including the decline in public services are unlikely to be addressed while a caretaker government is in place. Substantial delays in forming a new government could raise Irish bond prices. The future of Irish Water, a body set up to deal with water supply problems whose abolition was demanded by the opposition, is uncertain. The crisis may bring about a long-promised reform of the way the Dail operates, giving it a larger and more constructive role.


Significance The deployment of Turkish troops to protect the Tripoli-based Government of National Accord (GNA) and intervene in Libya’s civil war looks increasingly likely. GNA Prime Minister Fayez Serraj met Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan in Istanbul on December 15. Serraj and the Turkish authorities have created a detailed legal and institutional framework for partnership affecting not just Libya but also Turkey’s disputes with its neighbours over rights in the Eastern Mediterranean. Impacts A new round of EU sanctions on Libya could be on the way. United Arab Emirates and Egyptian support for Haftar will probably grow. A swift military resolution in Libya is unlikely, with Turkey preferring to deploy air power, including drones.


2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-264
Author(s):  
Gheorghe Calcan

Abstract Our paper aims to highlight the way Ion I. C. Brătianu was presented outside national borders in a fundamental moment of our national history, namely the integration of Romania into the operations of World War I in 1916. At that landmark moment, Ion I. C. Brătianu was Prime Minister of the country and was perceived abroad as the most powerful personality in the Romanian decisionmaking space, on whom the very decision to enter the war was hanging on. Foreign observers considered that Brătianu would not integrate with the war other than besides the military camp and in the moment that would definitely ensure their final victory. In order to sketch his image at international level we mainly used the information provided by the French press of the time (especially newspaper “Le Figaro”).


Author(s):  
Patrick Weller

If they are to keep their job, prime ministers need to maintain support in their party and a majority in the parliament. They need to actively work among their colleagues to keep them on side. In Britain rebellion on the floor of the House reflects the divisions within ruling parties. In the other three countries, prime ministers can be assured that their MPs will vote with them but they can be assailed in the weekly party room meeting where criticisms can be fierce and where dissenting views will be expressed directly to cabinet members. This chapter explores how prime minister intersect with their parliamentary supporters and the ways they try to ensure continued support. It examines the way prime ministers prepare for that setpiece drama, prime minister’s questions. It shows how different institutional arrangements ensured a range of strategies, not all successful, were needed.


Subject Outlook for the Janata Parivar. Significance In mid-April, six leading regional parties merged to form the 'Janata Parivar' (or People's Family, JP) to challenge Prime Minister Narendra Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government. The JP has been provoked, in part, by the way that the BJP is pushing reforms to land acquisition laws despite widespread opposition, and converting its 2014 general election triumph into many regional election victories. Impacts The JP will oppose subsidy cuts and the BJP's Hindu nationalist cultural agenda. The land acquisition amendment may be the most serious casualty of political opposition to Modi. Regional parties will attempt to balance market and welfare interests, highlighting (but not mitigating) rising inequality.


2006 ◽  
Vol 121 (1) ◽  
pp. 80-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wendy Davis

This paper considers 1970s television character Norman Gunston's coverage of the dismissal of Australian prime minister Gough Whitlam on 11 November 1975. The paper explores the power of television comedy to intervene in the construction of a political event and transform it into a joke. Specifically, the paper describes how Gunston's comic practice of carnival mobilises resistance to the usual view of the Whitlam dismissal. The paper also considers television's capacity to transform a political episode into a television event resonating with the technology's cultural force. In particular, the paper considers Deleuze's (1995a). proposition of the connection between television and cultural operations of control. Exploring Deleuze's suggestion, the paper proposes that the Gunston–Whitlam television event demonstrates television's potential to produce a mode of resistance to control — a point about which Deleuze is not particularly optimistic (1995a: 76; 1995b: 175). With this critical perspective on Gunston's intrusion into an Australian political crisis, the paper provides an explanation of the way television comedy can transform and shape our understanding of such an event.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-32
Author(s):  
Hiroko Okuda ◽  
Takeshi Suzuki

Abstract Japan has transformed itself from a militaristic, imperialist state into a pacifist, democratic country as well as a reliable U.S. ally. However, postwar Japan has had two responses to the lost war. On the one hand, conservatives often found it difficult to reconcile themselves with the reality of losing the last war. On the other hand, liberals found themselves at home in line with the Japanese postwar democracy based on the country’s embrace of the no war ideal. Taking into account the tension intrinsic to Japanese interpretations of the postwar Constitution, this study will explore the way in which Prime Minister Abe made confrontational strategic maneuvering in political argumentation. By doing so, it will explicate how Abe sought to identify the context in the way that one should view a reality.


2018 ◽  
pp. 91-154
Author(s):  
Chaitanya Ravi

This chapter concentrates on the period from July 2005–March 2006 and examines the way in which the nuclear deal and the US-India strategic partnership wrapped around it influenced India’s energy and foreign policy, in particular the Iran–Pakistan–India (IPI) natural gas pipeline and Iran–India relations. The chapter follows the shifting relationships between Petroleum Minister, Mani Shankar Aiyar; External Affairs Minister, Natwar Singh; and Prime Minister, Manmohan Singh. An important part of the chapter is the US Ambassador to India David Mulford’s role vis a vis the IPI pipeline and the factors that gave rise to the idea of a nuclear deal with India among a small coterie in the State Department. The chapter concludes with the collision of the rival energy initiatives, the strategic paradigms wrapped around them and the way in which the nuclear deal prevailed over the pipeline with Natwar’s exit and Aiyar’s dismissal being important milestones.


2021 ◽  
Vol 54 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-141
Author(s):  
Binendri Perera

On 26th October 2018, Sri Lankan President surprised the nation with his abrupt removal of the Prime Minister in office and the appointment of another Prime Minister on ambivalent constitutional grounds. Through his actions, President Sirisena was attempting to bring to the power the former strongman Rajapaksa from his own party to entrench himself as well as their party, while undercutting Wickremasinghe and his party. Constitutional Coup 2018 was executed meticulously to ensure that the President and his old enemy, now his new-found ally could capture governmental power. The result was that Sri Lanka had two Prime Ministers claiming to be appointed to office. The paper discusses the dramatic and complicated actions and reactions that occurred during the Constitutional Coup 2018. This paper analyzes how the Constitutional Coup exposed the persisting imbalance of power as a weakness of the Sri Lankan Constitution of 1978 that undermines constitutionalism and how this weakness persisted despite the 2015 constitutional reforms. Even though the constitutional coup 2018 was resolved affirming the supremacy of the constitution the paper analyzes how the weakness exposed during then paved the way towards the deterioration ofthe system of checks and balances.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document