Conflict Resolution and Civil Society: Experiences of Nepal in Post-Maoist Revolution

2017 ◽  
Vol 21 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-97
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tarikul Islam

Peacemaking involves a set of goals, policies, and strategies, and those are directed to prevent the occurrence of armed conflicts and to avoid violence. Peacemaking solicits a legitimate framework through which all actors could peacefully participate in social, economic, and political life of the nation. The role of civil society groups in peacebuilding has not been adequately discussed in both academic writings and policy analysis of Nepal. The pro-democracy movement jointly launched by the Seven Party Alliance (SPA) and the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) (CPN-M) witnessed a shift in the political landscape of Nepal, bringing an end to the decade-old Maoist insurgency as King Gyanendra stepped down on April 24, 2006. Therefore, the study carefully exemplifies the various activities which different civil society groups performed and attempted to analyze their roles in the prolonged process of peacebuilding. The responsibilities of civil society in Nepal, particularly in the aftermath of Maoist Revolution, are found to be focused and calculated, and effective to some extent. Collective efforts of different civil society groups helped to restart searching common ground for conflict mediation and peace in Nepal after a decade-long Maoist conflict. The underlying community interests for conflict resolution have been the business for all and where civil society has a spirited stake.

2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-81
Author(s):  
Surajudeen Mudasiru ◽  
Abdul-Wasi Moshood

Author(s):  
Ahmad Saefudin

Dermolo as one of the villages in Kembang, Jepara, was ever hit by a conflict under a religious background. This friction involved Islamic and Christian groups. The dispute between the two groups increasingly culminated and seemed to have no end without the presence of the Nation. When the Regional Government of Jepara encountered a deadlock in breaking down this social conflict, the presence of a civil society organization was absolutely necessary. Lakpesdam NU Jepara since 2014 up to now has been trying to extinguish the fire of conflict in Dermolo which was initially triggered by disputes over the use of a worship place. Through a qualitative descriptive approach by utilizing the theory of conflict resolution and multicultural education, this paper finally succeeds in mapping the four multicultural education patterns used by Lakpesdam NU. Those are economic empowerment, religious approaches, empowering women, and empowering village cadres. The result of this academic discourse at the same time provides an alternative methodological offer that can be replicated by the stakeholders of the policy makers, for example the Regional Government and the relevant Regional Apparatus Organization. It can be used as a prototype for civil society organizations and peace activists in settling disputes wrapped in religious sentiment. This kind of inclusive pattern is considered quite successful as a conflict resolution strategy. Lakpesdam NU Jepara is the only institution that has the sympathy of the residents and the Dermolo Government, because it has contributed positively in restoring social harmony between Christian and Islam groups


Author(s):  
Khrystyna Romanivna Martsikhiv ◽  
Liliia Yevgenivna Horbachova

The concept of «civil society» in modern political science is given. The relevance of its theoretical and practical aspects which is caused by the obvious increase the role of ordinary citizens and their voluntary associations in all spheres of human society: economic, political, social, spiritual, is analyzed. The successes of public organizations and movements of people of good will in the field of detente of international tensions, in providing assistance to peoples affected by natural disasters, catastrophes and other social unrest are widely known. It was established that the basis of victories is the development of civil society, high activity of citizens and their voluntary associations. This is achievable only in a sufficiently developed civil society. It has been proved that success comes where the business activity of citizens and the non-governmental structures they create increases, state intervention in economic, social and spiritual life is limited, where civil society develops and improves. The theoretical and applied aspects of the phenomenon of civil society are comprehended through a theoretical analysis of the concept of civil society in the history of socio-philosophical and political thought, from Plato and Aristotle to the views of modern researchers. It is emphasized that civil society is a type of social system, the hallmark of which is the real multi-subjectivity of economic, social, cultural and political life. The formation and development of civil society in Ukraine during the years of independence is analyzed. It is proved that the formation of civil society is manifested in the formation of its institutions - voluntary public associations, public movements, trade unions, independent media, public opinion as a social institution, elections and referendums as a means of public expression and protection of public-dependent interests. judicial and law enforcement systems, etc. The peculiarities of the interaction of civil society and the rights` state are substantiated.


Author(s):  
Jacob Torfing

In recent years, there has been a growing interest in the role of civil society in public governance, defined as the process of steering society and the economy through collective action and in accordance with some common objectives. Civil society holds valuable experiences, resources and ideas that may be mobilized in support of public governance processes. The heightened interest in civil society has stimulated scholarly debates about the conceptualization of civil society that tends to be defined as an institutional realm of private associations, voluntarism, and active citizens. The theoretical perception on the role of civil society vis-à-vis public governance seems to have moved from mainly considering the governance of civil society and governance in civil society to focusing on governance with civil society through various forms of collaborative network governance and co‑creation processes. In other words, civil society is no longer perceived merely as a target for public governance initiatives promoted by state agencies, nor is it solely praised for its capacity for self-governance. Civil society has been re-casted as a competent and resourceful partner in processes of co-governance in which public and private actors create a common ground for joint problemsolving. The new research on co-governance prompts analysis of the conditions for engaging civil society actors in public governance, the potential benefits and problems of governance based on interaction with civil society, and the need for meta-governance of cross-boundary collaboration. Civil society is often associated with local, place-bound groups and associations, but it is equally important to consider the prospects for global governance to involve the emerging global civil society. The interest in how civil society can play a role in and contribute to public governance has come to stay and prompts us to reflect on future research avenues, including the key question of how we can create platforms for cross-boundary collaboration between public and private for-profit and non-profit actors. As such, the re-casting of civil society as a partner in the co-governance of society also seems to transform the state from an authority standing above society to an opportunity structure that promotes cross-boundary collaboration and co-creation of public value outcomes.


2021 ◽  
pp. 233-247
Author(s):  
Polina Khmilevska

Far-right extremist groups in Poland have undergone the substantive evolution over the course of last thirty years – from being marginalized, small in number group to being one of the most developed and numerous movements in civil society, as well as on the political landscape. The article examines the history of this movement, its stages of development and demonstrates how pivotal is the role of far-right groups in Euroscepticism in Poland.


Author(s):  
Gülay Türkmen

Out of the 111 armed conflicts that took place worldwide between 1989 and 2000, only seven were interstate conflicts. The others were intrastate in nature. As a result, the last decade and a half witnessed a boom in the publication of works on civil wars. While the percentage of civil wars involving religion increased from 21% to 43% between the 1960s and 1990s, scholars have been rather slow to integrate the study of religion into the overall framework of conflict in general, and of civil wars in particular. Operating under the impact of the secularization thesis and treating religion as an aspect of ethnicity, the literature on civil wars has long embraced ethnonationalism as its subject matter. Yet, since the early 2000s there has been a rapid increase in the number of works focusing on religion and civil wars. While one branch treats religion as a trigger for and an exacerbating factor in conflict, another focuses on religion as a conflict resolution tool. Turkey is an apt case to ponder the latter as several governments have deployed religion (namely, Sunni Islam) as a tool to suppress ethnic divisions for years. During the Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule, religion has gained even more visibility as a conflict resolution tool in the 33-year-long armed ethnic conflict between the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) and the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK). Yet, the role of religion in Turkey’s Kurdish conflict still remains understudied. Increased attention to this topic could deliver important insights not only for those who conduct research on the Kurdish conflict in Turkey specifically, but also for those who explore the role of religion in civil wars more generally.


2012 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 280-301 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph M. Fernando

Between 1949 and 1951, the Communities Liaison Committee (CLC), an unofficial body comprising leaders from the main Malayan ethnic communities, served as a prototype for elite intercommunal conflict resolution during a very challenging period amid an ongoing communist insurgency. Drawing upon previously inaccessible primary sources, this article reassesses the CLC's work towards resolving divisive issues such as Malay economic backwardness, federal citizenship, national identity, education and language in Malaya. This article argues that the CLC played a significantly bigger role than previously recognised and influenced government policy considerably. Equally importantly, it entrenched the concept of consociationalism, which was to shape the Malayan political landscape long thereafter.


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