Unintended Institutional Interactions: Presidential Coattails and Gender Parity Quotas

2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110172
Author(s):  
Patrick Cunha Silva ◽  
Brian F. Crisp

Democratic institutions provide incentives for voters and candidates. When reformers tinker with multiple institutions, the likely effect of each individual change may be well understood, but their potential interaction may go unanticipated. Prior to elections in 2002, the French legislature adopted a gender parity candidate quota for parties participating in parliamentary elections. In addition, voters ratified a constitutional referendum making the president’s term match that of parliament, and presidential elections were set to be held immediately prior to parliamentary ones. We show that the unanticipated consequence of these separate institutional reforms was to make the fate of female candidates for parliament very much a function of presidential coattails. When the party of the president failed to fulfill the candidate quota, the number of women in parliament showed little change. Conversely, in years when the party of the president took the candidate quota seriously, the number of women in parliament increased.

2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 104-117
Author(s):  
Bohdan Tkach ◽  
Lesia Lytvynchuk ◽  
Ihor Popovych ◽  
Olena Blynova ◽  
Larysa Zahrai ◽  
...  

The study partly reveals “Zelenskyi’s phenomenon”, when a person without any political experience confidently won a victory over an experienced politician at the presidential and parliamentary elections. The paper considered neuropsychological understanding of a brand as a multi-modal image with emotional connection and as an artificial addiction. Specific features of the perception of political slogans were studied with EMOTIV Epoc+ 14-channel mobile neurointerface and EmotivPRO and EMOTIV Brain Activity Map software. The ranking of slogans in terms of the efficiency of perception of the individuals of 40-60 years old was carried out on the basis of EEG and the cognitive and emotional indexes: obtained stress, interaction, interest, excitement, concentration, relaxation. The study involved 30 men and 30 women who intended to vote in the presidential elections of 2019. It was established which slogans are the best, good, average, ambiguous, with little effect, ineffective, with a negative effect. It was determined that the most effective and at the same time efficient slogan that evokes emotions and really encourages to support is PRESIDENT IS PEOPLE’S SERVANT. The best slogan that appeals to support it is “We Are Ukraine”, “New Policy of Ukraine”, “Country of Strong People!” The basic cognitive and emotional indexes that would contribute to the creation of effective psychological impact on voters’ behavior are the presence in the slogan of the word “Ukraine”, the avoidance of the so-called “stop words” (for women it is “army” and everything related to violence and death, and for men it is everything related to the provision of material benefits), the use of religious sentimentality in women and gender differences in slogans targeting. The value of the studied phenomenon and the efficiency of slogans and other media products before launching them into mass advertising has been proved.


Author(s):  
Makanatsa Makonese

The 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe has been hailed as a modern and progressive Constitution that addresses contemporary human rights issues, including gender equality and the promotion of women’s rights. It clearly provides for gender parity in public bodies, including in elective positions. The affirmative action provisions on a women’s quota in the National Assembly and gender equality in party lists for Senators have been useful in increasing the number of women in parliament. However, even with these improvements, the mere existence of the progressive Constitution has not led to gender parity in the Parliament of Zimbabwe or in other elective or public institutions such as local councils and cabinet. This is mainly because key actors and structures such as political parties, the government, and the successive Presidents of Zimbabwe have not fully adhered to the provisions of the Constitution regarding gender equality in public bodies, except where the Constitution provides explicit guidance on how to achieve this. The enactment of legislation to operationalize some of the less explicit provisions of the Constitution may therefore be useful in ensuring compliance with the gender equality provisions in relation to parliament and other public bodies in the country.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.


2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-92
Author(s):  
Muhammad Mahsun ◽  
Misbah Zulfa Elizabeth ◽  
Solkhah Mufrikhah

This article analyses the factors leading to the success of women candidates in the 2019 elections in Central Java. Recent scholarship on women’s representation in Indonesia has highlighted the role that dynastic ties and relationships with local political elites play in getting women elected in an environment increasingly dominated by money politics and clientelism. Our case study of women candidates in Central Java belonging to the elite of the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)-affiliated women’s religious organisations Muslimat and Fatayat shows that strong women candidates with grassroots support can nonetheless win office. Using the concepts of social capital and gender issue ownership, and clientelism, we argue that women candidates can gain a strategic advantage when they “run as women.” By harnessing women’s networks and focusing on gender issues to target women voters, they are able to overcome cultural, institutional, and structural barriers to achieve electoral success even though they lack resources and political connections.


2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Olczyk ◽  
Jacek Wasilewski

The 2015 presidential election was a turning point in a history of celebritisation of politics in Poland. Rock vocalist Paweł Kukiz unexpectedly finished third with 20% of votes, the highest result of any celebrity–candidate in presidential elections. He achieved that, campaigning mostly on Facebook, without any significant power base and financial support. Kukiz set up his own political organisation, which gained a 9% backing in the parliamentary elections. He achieved that with no political platform, no media backing, and no party structure. We argue that his persona was a crucial asset in his political success. We will show how Kukiz created, managed and performed his persona, how he used it to mobilise three million voters and then to create and brand his “Kukiz’15 Movement.” Finally, we analyse limits, traps and contradictions of persona power. Analysed material includes Paweł Kukiz’s and his opponents’ Facebook posts, televised political advertisements, performances in celebrity TV shows and debates.


Author(s):  
Agnes D’Entremont ◽  
Kerry Greer ◽  
Katherine Lyon ◽  
Diana Demmers ◽  
Kaitlyn Wamsteeker

Gender imbalance is a persistent issueacross Canadian engineering programs. Efforts havebeen made to increase the enrolment of undergraduatewomen in engineering, but reaching gender parity inengineering has been an elusive goal. This researchexamines program recruitment images and videos from18 Canadian engineering university websites. Usingcontent analysis and thematic coding of videotranscriptions, we coded 440 unique images and 37recruitment videos. We find that women students areoverrepresented in images and in videos, at rates higherthan we expect given their proportion within programs.We compare the presentation of women and men acrossseveral dimensions and identify key differences inwomen’s representation in relevant settings, attire, andin the kinds of learning experiences they emphasize invideos. We conclude with suggestions for ways programscan present a more neutral portrayal of women inrecruitment materials.


Author(s):  
Carmel Agius

This chapter presents reflections of Judge Agius, the last president of the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia (ICTY), on the experiences of the tribunal and its legacies. It discusses the emergence and unique nature of the tribunal, including its impact on other international criminal institutions. This contribution discusses the specific areas of legacy of the Tribunal, the role of different agents (judges, prosecutors, defence counsels, legal officers, and staff) and the ICTY’s larger contribution to a new era of accountability. The chapter weighs the successes and challenges of the ICTY, such as bringing perpetrators of sexual violence during conflict to justice; the protection of witnesses and victims before the ICTY; the importance of Outreach; and gender parity inside the Tribunal work. The chapter argues that the ICTY overall legacy is positive. However, much remains to be done, within and beyond the IRMCT, to encourage cooperation and genuine investigations and prosecutions at the domestic level.


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