scholarly journals Simultaneous Elections and the Rise of Female Representation in Indonesia

2021 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 50-72
Author(s):  
Luky Sandra Amalia ◽  
Aisah Putri Budiatri ◽  
Mouliza KD. Sweinstani ◽  
Atika Nur Kusumaningtyas ◽  
Esty Ekawati

In the 2019 election, the proportion of women elected to Indonesia’s People’s Representative Assembly ( Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat, DPR) increased significantly to almost 21 per cent. In this article, we ask whether an institutional innovation – the introduction of simultaneous presidential and legislative elections – contributed to this change. We examine the election results, demonstrating that, overall, women candidates did particularly well in provinces where the presidential candidate nominated by their party won a majority of the vote. Having established quantitatively a connection between results of the presidential elections and outcomes for women legislative candidates, we turn to our qualitative findings to seek a mechanism explaining this outcome. We argue that the simultaneous elections helped women candidates by easing their access to voters who supported one of the presidential candidates, but who were undecided on the legislative election. Rather than imposing additional burdens on female candidates, simultaneous elections assisted them.

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-483 ◽  
Author(s):  
Abel François ◽  
Julien Navarro

AbstractThis paper studies the relationship between incumbent MPs’ activities and their electoral fortune. We address this question in the context of the French political system characterized by an executive domination, a candidate-centered electoral system, and an electoral schedule maximizing the impact of the presidential elections. Given the contradictory influence of these three institutional features on the relationship between MPs’ activities and electoral results, the overall link can only be assessed empirically. We test the effects of several measurements of MPs’ activities on both their vote share and reelection probability in the 2007 legislative election. We show that MPs’ activities are differently correlated to both the incumbents’ vote shares in the first round and their reelection. Despite the weakness of the French National Assembly, several parliamentary activities, especially bill initiation, have a significant effect on MPs’ electoral prospects.


2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 541-559 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carreras

Previous studies of voter turnout in Latin America have found weak and inconsistent evidence for the link between political institutions and electoral participation. In this article, I use data from an expanded dataset of voter turnout in Latin America (1980–2016) to show that institutions do have an impact on citizens’ decisions on whether or not to participate in concurrent elections. Whereas previous studies analyzed the effect of legislative institutions on voter turnout, this article estimates a series of models that demonstrate the impact of presidential institutions and the political context surrounding presidential elections on electoral participation. The findings suggest that when first-order (presidential) and second-order (legislative) elections take place concurrently, electoral participation is influenced primarily by presidential institutions (term length, presidential powers, and electoral rules) and the electoral context in which the presidential elections take place (effective number of presidential candidates).


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 87
Author(s):  
Totok Wahyu Abadi ◽  
Ridlaty Ayu Oktaviana Putri

The purpose of this study explained socialization was conducted by electoral commission Sidoarjo Regency and media that is used by the community and its influence on behavior of beginning voters. The basic concept of this research used theory of voter behavior and socialization of psychological aspects as well as theory of media usage. Data collection was done by distributing questionnaires to 99 beginner voter respondents as well as interviews with regional commissioners. Data analysis was performed multiple linear regression analysis and description. The results showed that the socialization conducted by  electoral commission Sidoarjo Regency  Sidoarjo was optimal. Media used for socialization included television, social media (internet), radio, billboards, print media (newspapers and magazines), and workshops / seminars / working meetings. Newbie voters in 2014 presidential elections indicated behavior to participate in presidential elections. The use of communication media and socialization of presidential candidates and vice presidential candidates had an influence on the behavior of novice voters. The influence of these two variables on the beginner behavior is shown by R coefficient of 27.1%. While, the most influential factor on behavior is the media used by novice voters to obtain information, knowledge, and understanding of the presidential candidate.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Sholahuddin Al-Fatih

ABSTRAKIndonesia telah menyelenggarakan 11 kali pemilihan umum (pemilu) sejak tahun 1955. Hingga saat ini, rezim hukum pemilu telah melahirkan banyak regulasi dan ketentuan baru, seperti aturan tentang threshold atau ambang batas. Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 menyatakan bahwa Pasal 208 Undang-Undang Nomor 8 Tahun 2012 tentang Pemilu Legislatif terkait dengan ambang batas parlemen (parliamentary threshold) sebesar 3,5% tidak berlaku secara nasional. Melengkapi putusan tersebut, Mahkamah Konstitusi melalui Putusan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013 menyebutkan bahwa pemilu tahun 2019 berlaku secara serentak, yang secara yuridis berdampak pada pola penerapan threshold. Rumusan masalah yang akan diurai dalam penelitian ini adalah bagaimana akibat hukum regulasi tentang threshold dalam pemilihan umum legislatif dan pemilihan presiden pasca Putusan Mahkamah Konstitusi Nomor 52/PUU-X/2012 dan Nomor 14/PUU-XI/2013. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian yuridis normatif. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa dalam konteks negara demokrasi, ambang batas atau threshold diterapkan sebagai batas untuk menyaring kandidat anggota legislatif ataupun presiden yang bersifat open legal policy dan diserahkan kepada pembuat undang-undang.Kata kunci: pemilihan umum legislatif, pemilihan presiden, ambang batas. ABSTRACTIndonesia has held 11 general elections since 1955. Up to now, the regime of general electoral law has given birth to many new regulations and provisions, such as regulations on threshold. The Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 states that Article 208 of Law Number 8 of 2012 concerning the Legislative Election with a parliamentary threshold of 3.5% does not apply on a national scale. Complementing the ruling, the Constitutional Court through Decision Number 14/PUU-XI/2013 states the 2019 general election applies simultaneously that it may bring juridical effect on the pattern of threshold application. The formulation of the problem to be explained in this analysis is how the legal impact of the regulation on threshold in legislative and presidential elections after the issuance of Constitutional Court Decision Number 52/PUU-X/2012 and Number 14/PUU-XI/2013. This analysis uses a normative juridical research method. The results of the study show that in the context of a democratic country, the threshold is applied as a limit to filter out presidential candidates or legislative members, which is open legal policy and submitted to lawmakers. Keywords: legislative election, presidential election, threshold. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 001139212110010
Author(s):  
Tien-Tun Yang ◽  
Ray-May Hsung ◽  
Shu-Heng Chen ◽  
Ye-Rong Du ◽  
Yi-Jr Lin ◽  
...  

Trust and cooperation within and between political identity groups are important issues for building a healthy civil society and democratic development. However, this research problem has seldom been analyzed under different political identity conditions by means of experimental design in Taiwan. Presidential elections have reproduced the polarization between two groups of voters supporting different presidential candidates. Therefore, in this article the authors are interested in whether political identity matters in trust exchanges among strangers. This study applies a three-stage trust game experiment to examine how trust is developed within pairs of subjects with either the same or different political identity. In the first stage subjects were randomly matched in pairs as trustor and trustee, and their political identities were not disclosed. In the second stage the pairs were still randomly matched, but each subject was informed of their partner’s political identity. In the final stage each subject could choose the preferred political identity of his/her partner. There were two mechanisms of trust-behavior formation under different identity conditions. The first mechanism was political identity. Supporters of presidential candidate Ma Ying-Jeou were more trustful than supporters of candidate Tsai Ing-Wen. Under the condition of subjects knowing their partner’s political identity, the identity effect became strongly significant in stages 2 and 3 of the experiment, especially for that of the Ma–Ma group. The second mechanism was mutuality. The mutuality effect was very significant in all three stages of the trust experiment, and that effect was stronger for those who voted for Tsai.


1992 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 201-208 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirley Matile Ogletree ◽  
Mary C. Coffee ◽  
Shyla A. May

A factor mediating attitudes toward female/male political candidates may be the potential effect of a candidate's private life. The impact of a familial situation on attitudes towards a hypothetical presidential candidate was investigated in Study 1. Although main effects for candidate sex and familial situation were found, our data did not support differential effects by candidate sex. In Study 2 the potential impact of a candidate's personal problem was examined. A male with past psychological problems was perceived as more electable than three of four female candidates. In both studies, male candidates were perceived as more likely to win the election than were female candidates.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko

In the democratic countries, political party acts as mediator bridging communication between government and its citizens. The decline of political party taking place before and after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections and legislative elections certainly affects the political parties in carrying out their roles. Conducted in Malang, objective of this study is to describe factors contributing declining image of political parties and its implications. The findings showed that image of political parties are deteriorating due to lack of trust towards the political parties and politicians in the parliament. The Decree on direct vote system for both presidential and regional head election and establishment of an open proportional system in legislative election also contribute to the deterioration. Implications of the phenomenon are negative attitude and declining interest towards political party.


Subject Update on the Philippines 2016 presidential race. Significance October 16 is the candidacy-filing deadline for May 2016's presidential and legislative elections. The three main presidential candidates are Vice President Jejomar Binay for the United Nationalist Alliance, former Interior Secretary Manuel 'Mar' Roxas for the Liberal Party and independent Senator Grace Poe. Minor candidates, who could play spoiler roles in a tight three-way race, have yet to declare. Impacts Binay and Roxas will seek suitable vice-presidential running-mates before time runs out. Local political bosses will be vital to build support blocs for their preferred presidential candidate. Poe's lack of a party machine may be an electoral liability.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-66
Author(s):  
Timothy S. Rich

AbstractTo what extent do presidential candidates influence voting in mixed member legislative elections? A sizable literature addresses presidential–legislative coattail effects in the American context, with less attention given to this interaction in non-Western democracies. Nor is the role of past voting behavior adequately assessed in the literature. Taiwan's historic 2016 election allows for an analysis of the extent in which the popularity of presidential candidates influences coattail voting in the more complex electoral environment of two-vote mixed legislative systems. Evidence finds that, controlling for partisanship and previous voting behavior, voters who supported a presidential candidate were more likely to also support the party's legislative candidates, although this influence is stronger in regards to Democratic Progressive Party's Tsai Ing-wen.


PERSPEKTIF ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 180-186
Author(s):  
Dian Eka Rahmawati ◽  
Afiyatika Mufidati

Legislative elections are a democratic instrument for selecting candidates who are expected to be able to channel people's aspirations in policy making. The presence of female candidates is expected to be able to influence the policy-making process related to women's needs and interests. In the 2019 legislative elections in the Special Region of Yogyakarta (DIY) there was an increase in the number of women at the candidacy stage and the number of elected candidates compared to the 2014 legislative elections. This study aims to analyze the factors that influence the electability of female candidates in the 2019 legislative elections in DIY. The results of the study found that there were differences in motivation between elected and unelected candidates. Strong motivation provides encouragement for female candidates to try their best to campaign for themselves with various strategies. Motivation as the main factor is supported by factors of network breadth, social and political experience, support and family background, and popularity.


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