How Zimbabwe’s 2013 Constitution Addresses Women’s Election and Participation in Parliament

Author(s):  
Makanatsa Makonese

The 2013 Constitution of Zimbabwe has been hailed as a modern and progressive Constitution that addresses contemporary human rights issues, including gender equality and the promotion of women’s rights. It clearly provides for gender parity in public bodies, including in elective positions. The affirmative action provisions on a women’s quota in the National Assembly and gender equality in party lists for Senators have been useful in increasing the number of women in parliament. However, even with these improvements, the mere existence of the progressive Constitution has not led to gender parity in the Parliament of Zimbabwe or in other elective or public institutions such as local councils and cabinet. This is mainly because key actors and structures such as political parties, the government, and the successive Presidents of Zimbabwe have not fully adhered to the provisions of the Constitution regarding gender equality in public bodies, except where the Constitution provides explicit guidance on how to achieve this. The enactment of legislation to operationalize some of the less explicit provisions of the Constitution may therefore be useful in ensuring compliance with the gender equality provisions in relation to parliament and other public bodies in the country.

2007 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Holly Randell-Moon

In 2005 and 2006 members of the John Howard led Coalition Government, including the Prime Minster and Federal Treasurer Peter Costello, questioned whether Muslim dress, such as the hijab, conformed with ‘mainstream’ Australian standards of secularism and gender equality. In doing so, Howard and Costello used a feminist-sounding language to critique aspects of Islam for purportedly restricting the freedom and autonomy of Muslim women. I argue that race is implicated in the construction of Islam as a “threat” to secularism and gender equality because an unnamed assumption of the Australian ‘mainstream’ as Anglo-Celtic and white informs the standards of normalcy the Government invokes and constructs Islam as a ‘foreign’ religion. Further, whilst the demand for Muslim women to conform with ‘mainstream’ norms potentially contradicts the Government’s commitment to women’s autonomy, such a contradiction is not peculiar to the Howard Government. Using the work of Jean-Luc Nancy and Stewart Motha, I place the ‘hijab debates’ within the tension in liberal democracies between fostering autonomy and requiring a universal civil law to guarantee (but exist above) individual autonomy.


2021 ◽  
Vol VI (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Zaheer Iqbal Cheema ◽  
Ali Nawaz ◽  
Jawwad Riaz

The European Union has kept the agenda of gender equality at the front line of legislation and policy development. The research examined the policies and the efficacy of the European Union in endorsing gender equality and determines where the Union’s system has proved to be less effective. Despite the efforts by the European Union in addressing gender-related issues, a slow improvement has been indicated in achieving gender parity. Inequality persists in many domains of gender equality, including the gender pay gap and gender-based violence. Our research suggests that adequate attention in terms of relevance, effective implementation and funding must be given to all domains of gender equality.


Author(s):  
Inayatul Ulya

Abstract Gender equality-based education is education that accommodate gender differences. This study aims to reveal the gender sensitivity insocial and educational as well as identify government policies in building gender equ ality and its applications in formal education. This study is qualitative with an inventory of government policies in building gender equality, and then analyze it with the reality of education in Indonesia. The approach used in this study is referring to the normative approach to the study of government policies in enforcing gender equality and its applications in formal education. The research data was collected using the techniques of literary study (library research). Materials that have been acquired and processed is described and analyzed by using descriptive interpretative paradigm and gender analysis. Although many efforts have been taken by the government for the realization of gender equality, but in the education sector still  show gender inequality. The indication can be seen from three aspects, they are not unequal participation in education for women, unequal educational material as well as the selection of majors unequal proportions of men and women. The phenomenon is not yet reflect the totality of gender equality education. Keywords:pendidikan, kesetaraan gender, kebijakan pemerintah


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-26
Author(s):  
P. K. Mishra ◽  
S. K. Mishra ◽  
M. K. Sarangi

Women’s advancement and consequential gender equality have significant implications for human capital formation, increase in labour productivity, employment creation, poverty reduction, and overall socio-economic and human development. So, inclusive growth and sustainable development would not be possible without women’s empowerment and gender equality. Thus, targeting women’s empowerment is extensively relevant for Asian countries. In this context, this article explored the impact of the gender factors on the economic growth of 30 Asian economies over the period from 1997 to 2015 by using panel autoregressive distributive lag (ARDL) model. It provides the evidence of an overall positive impact of the gender parity index of health, education, employment and democratic representation on the economic growth of Asia in the long run. Therefore, gender equality is an important determinant of economic growth in Asian countries, and hence, should be on board while planning for the empowerment of women.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. 6841
Author(s):  
Elena Bulmer ◽  
Magalí Riera ◽  
Raquel Rodríguez

At present, the logistics industry in Spain is one that is mostly male-dominated, and women middle and top managers make up less than 10% of the workforce at these management levels. There is therefore an obvious lack of parity in this sector. Spanish regulation at present supports and promotes gender parity in different sectors including the logistics industry. Our article uses as a basis the fifth Sustainable Development Goal, “achieve gender equality and empower all women and girls”. Twenty-four female middle and top managers of the logistics sector were interviewed via a questionnaire of 52 questions. The research for this study was based on Avery and Bergsteiner’s 2011 Honeybee and Locust Sustainable Leadership Model and strived to determine how female middle and top managers in the logistics sector in Spain perceived leadership in their workplace and whether these perceptions were aligned with Avery and Bergsteiner’s sustainability leadership model. Findings showed interesting results, indicating that the Spanish logistics industry seemed to be a mixture of bee- and locust-type leadership. Respondents agreed that organizations were not very open to knowledge sharing and indicated that there is still a considerable need for improvement with regard to leadership practices in the logistics sector. Finally, our study is innovative in the sense that sustainable leadership and gender equality are two elements that have not been researched together.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 172-190
Author(s):  
Ani Purwanti ◽  
Dyah Wijaningsih ◽  
Muh. Afif Mahfud ◽  
Fajar Ahmad Setiawan

The research objective was to analyze the problem of fisherwomen empowerment and gender equality based on legal reviews in Indonesia. The research method used is normative legal studies. The results of the study found that there are discriminatory implications in Law Number 7 of 2016 concerning the Protection and Empowerment of Fishermen, Fish Farmers, and Salt Farmers or commonly referred to as the PEF Act (Protection and Empowerment of Fishermen) which is not in line with the empowerment of fisherwomen and is in conflict with gender equality. The findings make it clear that fisherwomen, unlike other economic actors in the fishing industry, are the most overlooked group rooted in socio-cultural prejudice. The PEF Act does not specifically recognize or even mandate any form of affirmative action for fisherwomen to gain equal access to protection and empowerment programs. This causes fisherwomen who have been culturally forcibly placed in households and away from the fishing industry. But instead, the PEF Act dwarfed the position of women as a mere secondary role in fishery households instead of the main breadwinner. Therefore, this study suggests that the government should make a strict amendment to the PEF Act. Namely recognizing gender equality in the role of fisherwomen and followed by reforming gender mainstreaming in the fisheries bureaucracy to accommodate fisherwomen's rights to access community empowerment programs for fishing communities.


Author(s):  
Olga Shcholokova ◽  
Olena Karpenko ◽  
Zhanna Petrochko ◽  
Vira Kuzmenko ◽  
Tetyana Holubenko

The purpose of the study was to investigate gender stereotypes and prejudices that negatively affect women and men. It is important that students be aware of gender issues and are able to critically reflect on their own prejudices and gender "matrices" of the education system in the context of ‘gender v sex’. A questionnaire was the main method of data collection. A sociological survey, "Students on the problems of gender equality" was conducted at V.N. Karazin Kharkiv National University (Ukraine). The survey was conducted based on a three-level probability sample, which ensures the representativeness of the data. The effectiveness of aspects of gender education in secondary schools and higher education institutions has been assessed. At school, the problems of gender equality are not discussed enough; more than 80% of all respondents did not learn anything at school on this topic. Every third student discussed the issues of gender parity in the university classes. As a rule, this was done in general courses (sociology, philosophy, law), as there are no special disciplines on gender parity in society. The study reached the conclusion that respondents were unfamiliar with gender issues, so they might sometimes not see (perceive) certain gender prejudices and oppression in a student body, which encourages more attention to the development of gender-oriented disciplines of Ukrainian universities.


Subject Women in politics. Significance With eight women nominated to the 17-minister cabinet of President-elect Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador (AMLO), the incoming National Regeneration Movement (Morena) administration will be Mexico’s most gender balanced ever. Similarly, both chambers of the federal Congress formally established on August 29 have achieved near-gender parity. States and municipalities across the country saw the share of female politicians increase significantly in the July 1 elections. Impacts Gender equality will not be achievable until all states issue laws that define and penalise political violence against women. Efforts to end all forms of political gender violence -- physical, psychological, sexual and economic -- will be required. Indigenous women, facing racial and gender discrimination, will struggle to increase their participation in politics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 106591292110172
Author(s):  
Patrick Cunha Silva ◽  
Brian F. Crisp

Democratic institutions provide incentives for voters and candidates. When reformers tinker with multiple institutions, the likely effect of each individual change may be well understood, but their potential interaction may go unanticipated. Prior to elections in 2002, the French legislature adopted a gender parity candidate quota for parties participating in parliamentary elections. In addition, voters ratified a constitutional referendum making the president’s term match that of parliament, and presidential elections were set to be held immediately prior to parliamentary ones. We show that the unanticipated consequence of these separate institutional reforms was to make the fate of female candidates for parliament very much a function of presidential coattails. When the party of the president failed to fulfill the candidate quota, the number of women in parliament showed little change. Conversely, in years when the party of the president took the candidate quota seriously, the number of women in parliament increased.


2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 491-519
Author(s):  
Susan H Williams

Despite the enormous literature on federalism in constitutional design, and the growing attention to gender equality in constitutional design, there has been remarkably little attention paid to the interaction between the two. This article seeks to provide a summary of the existing literature on this intersection, to apply the insights of that literature to the case of Myanmar, and to offer a contribution concerning the theoretical connections between federalism and gender equality. The analysis generates four primary conclusions. First, federalism is inherently neither good nor bad for gender equality: it all depends on the details of the federal system and the context in which they are applied. Second, there are, nonetheless, some guidelines that can be gleaned from the experiences of countries around the world about the design elements that can make federalism more or less useful for promoting gender equality under different conditions. Third, applying these elements in the case of Myanmar suggests that women's organisations might make common cause with the ethnic minority groups that are negotiating with the government and the army over federalism issues because the women share with these groups certain goals with respect to federal systems. And fourth, there is a connection between gender and federalism, not at the pragmatic or design level, but at the theoretical level. This connection concerns the type of (ideal) orientation that is required of citizens in a federal system and the ways in which that orientation might be valuable for gender equality. It is, then, the character of federal citizens, rather than the federal system itself, that could be inherently beneficial to gender equality.


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