scholarly journals COVID-19 and the Fourth Estate: Asian American Journalists’ Gendered Racial Harms and Racial Activation During the COVID-19 Pandemic

2022 ◽  
pp. 107769902110684
Author(s):  
David C. Oh ◽  
Seong Jae Min

Through in-depth interviews, this study explored the voices of Asian American journalists who faced unprecedented stresses due to the racist discourse of Asian Americans as carriers of disease during the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic. Socialized to de-emphasize their vulnerabilities in their professional work, Asian American reporters generally claimed they did not experience racist harms, but further probing revealed indirect harms. Women reporters discussed internalized harms such as elevated anxiety and fear, whereas men reporters referenced only external harms such as racial microaggressions. Women reporters also manifested greater self-reflexivity. The importance of analyzing race and gender in White masculine newsrooms is discussed.

2017 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Enku Ide ◽  
Blair Harrington ◽  
Yolanda Wiggins ◽  
Tanya Rouleau Whitworth ◽  
Naomi Gerstel

Challenging the public dichotomy characterizing fathers as “involved” or “absentee,” we investigate racial variation in college men’s perceptions of their paternal relationships and the gendered constructions these promote. The analysis draws on intensive interviews (n = 76) with Asian American, Black, and white sons from one university and survey data (n = 1,576) from 24 institutions. In both data sets, Asian Americans and Blacks describe greater paternal distance than do whites. This conceals variations in sons’ understanding of fathers. Asian Americans often criticize their fathers’ distance, disidentifying with the near-exclusive focus on breadwinning they describe among fathers. In contrast, Blacks and whites normalize and identify with their dads. Blacks emphasize the “laid-back,” “cool” masculinity their dads impart, while whites often emphasize the independent masculinity based on mentorship and friendship their dads offer. Recasting sociological theories, we argue these differences emanate from divergent structural contexts, but more importantly, cultural conceptions of fatherhood, race, and gender as well as public discussions that valorize white models of fatherhood.


2009 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 145-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wan-Yi Chen

This study compares African American and Asian American adolescents in their rates of extreme community violence exposure and consequent internalizing behaviors. Using information from a national longitudinal survey this study found substantial violence exposure rates for both groups. Also, gender differences in exposure rates and adolescent reports of internalizing behaviors after violence exposure were detected. Male African American adolescents had the highest exposure rate, while female Asian American adolescents reported the highest level of internalizing behaviors. These findings suggest further research is needed to better understand the effect of violence exposure on various ethnic minority adolescents. Moreover, social workers and other professionals involved in adolescent services could use these results to improve outreach methods to vulnerable adolescents.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Christian Dyogi Phillips

Chapter 1 begins by presenting an overview of the vicissitudes of descriptive representation in state legislatures for women and men from the four largest racial groups in the United States, from 1996 to 2015. The chapter then previews the book’s main finding: factors related to representation and candidate emergence, such as the relationship between district populations and descriptive representatives or political ambition, are shaped by race and gender simultaneously. To account for the persistence of underrepresentation among women and minorities, Chapter 1 then advances the intersectional model of electoral opportunity. The model accounts for external and internal, multilevel pressures that constrain and facilitate the realistic candidacy opportunities for white women, white men, men of color, and women of color. The chapter closes by discussing the necessity of studying Asian American women and men, and Latinas and Latinos, in order to better understand representation in a nation shaped by immigration and immigrant communities.


2019 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
Candace Miller ◽  
Josipa Roksa

Our study highlights specific ways in which race and gender create inequality in the workplace. Using in-depth interviews with 67 biology PhD students, we show how engagement with research and service varies by both gender and race. By considering the intersection between gender and race, we find not only that women biology graduate students do more service than men, but also that racial and ethnic minority men do more service than white men. White men benefit from a combination of racial and gender privilege, which places them in the most advantaged position with respect to protected research time and opportunities to build collaborations and networks beyond their labs. Racial/ethnic minority women emerge as uniquely disadvantaged in terms of their experiences relative to other groups. These findings illuminate how gendered organizations are also racialized, producing distinct experiences for women and men from different racial groups, and thus contribute to theorizing the intersectional nature of inequality in the workplace.


2009 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-238 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Karthick Ramakrishnan ◽  
Janelle Wong ◽  
Taeku Lee ◽  
Jane Junn

AbstractIn the 2008 presidential primaries, Barack Obama seemed to have a problem connecting with Asian American voters, as he lost heavily to Hillary Clinton in states such as California and New Jersey. Many speculated that race-based considerations played a significant role in Asian Americans' overwhelming support for Clinton over Obama, with conjectures built on a limited set of aggregate exit poll data from three states. Race may also have accounted for the high proportion of Asian Americans who in polls said they were undecided heading into the November election. In this article, we analyze the importance of race-based considerations in the Asian American vote, after controlling for other factors such as partisanship, issue preferences, age, and gender. We rely on the National Asian American Survey, a large-scale telephone survey of Asian American voters conducted mostly in the fall of 2008, with interviews in eight languages and with sizable numbers of respondents from the six largest national-origin groups. We find that race-based considerations do indeed help explain the Asian American vote in 2008. Respondents who failed to see political commonality between Asian Americans and Blacks were less likely to vote for Obama in the primary, although other factors, such as age and gender, played a more significant role. Finally, the role of race-based considerations paled in comparison to party identification and issue preferences in the general election, suggesting that election contexts can play an important role in shaping whether or not race is relevant to vote choice.


2011 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 157-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Clare Ching Jen

Conventionally, citizenship is understood as a legal category of membership in a national polity that ensures equal rights among its citizens. This conventional understanding, however, begs disruption when the histories and experiences of marginalized groups are brought to the fore. Equal citizenship in all its forms for marginalized populations has yet to be realized. For Asian Americans, rights presumably accorded to the legal status of citizenship have proven tenuous across different historical and political moments. Throughout U.S. history, “Asian American” or “Oriental” men and women have been designated aliens against whom white male and female citizenships have been legitimized. These categories of inclusion and exclusion-“citizen” and “alien”-are mutually constitutive; members are legitimate only when defined against the exclusion of “others.” Citizenship must be conceptualized as a broader set of social and cultural memberships and exclusions beyond political rights and legal status. This article examines how scholarly works engage citizenship formations of “Asian American” women and men. It also asks: Are there modes of citizenship, other than legal status and rights, to explain the experiences and histories of Asian American men and women, as well as provide anti-racist, feminist sites of resistance in the struggle for equality?


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-65 ◽  
Author(s):  
HyeJin Tina Yeo ◽  
Ruby Mendenhall ◽  
Stacy Anne Harwood ◽  
Margaret Browne Huntt

This study examines the experiences of Asian American students who are mistaken as Asian international students; it provides insight into domestic students’ perceptions of and potential racial microaggressive experiences of international students. Drawing from racial microaggressions survey data of Asian Americans, this study highlights the multiple layers of overt racism, microaggressions, and xenophobia directed against students who are perceived as Asian international students. The Asian American students’ narratives reveal that international students are often racialized by skin color, English proficiency, and nationality, which reflect U.S. racist framings of Asian Americans. Thus, we argue that racial experiences of Asian international students should be addressed as a part of U.S. racial ideology, notions of Whiteness, and racial microaggressions on campus.


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