An Annotated Bibliography of Journalism Subjects in American Magazines

1951 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 521-529
Author(s):  
William F. Swindler ◽  
Granville Price ◽  
Armistead S. Pride ◽  

Political and economic threats to press freedom constituted the most significant development in the third quarter of 1951. The farcical Czech conviction of AP Correspondent William Oatis stirred official Washington action in retaliation but by the end of the quarter had not resulted in Oatis’ release. In the United States a Louisiana newspaper's efforts to expose gambling and official laxness in prosecuting it resulted in a brazen indictment of the journalists for “defaming” the officials. Amid these threats to free expression, however, a committee of Washington newsmen set an example of adherence to the principle of freedom by turning down an editors’ suggestion that Tass representatives be barred from the press galleries as spies. … On the economic side, the International Typographical Union sought to counter the trend toward newspaper monopolies by starting three competing dailies. However, the threat of still higher newsprint prices was causing many dailies to go up to 10 cents a copy and the hunt for cheap and plentiful substitute raw materials for newsprint production continued.—W. F. S.

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 109-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helena Pycior

AbstractThis paper traces the history of the cultural icon of the "First Dog" of the United States back to the administration of President Warren G. Harding (1921-1923). It briefly explores technological and socio-cultural factors—including the early-twentieth-century cult of human and nonhuman celebrities—that laid a basis for the acceptance of Laddie Boy, Harding's Airedale terrier, as the third member of the First Family and a celebrity in his own right. Following Laddie Boy, First Dogs would greet and entertain visitors to the White House, pose for the press, make public appearances, and "talk." While recognizing that Laddie Boy's personality was essential to his success at the White House, the paper also documents the steps taken by President Harding, his wife Florence Kling Harding, and the American press to establish Laddie Boy as the First Dog of the land. The paper argues that the construction of the cultural icon of the First Dog was not simply a political ploy to humanize the President but more a calculated attempt by President Harding to further animal welfare.


1949 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-239
Author(s):  
William F. Swindler ◽  
DeWitt C. Reddick ◽  
Granville Price ◽  
Armistead S. Pride ◽  
Baskett Mosse ◽  
...  

A concerted congressional effort to raise second-class postage rates was the chief problem facing the press in the spring of 1949. Another legislative question affecting the newspaper industry was the possibility of repeal or comprehensive revision of the Taft-Hartley Act and its effect upon the strategy of both management and labor. In other branches of communications, the commercial success of television manifestly was assured, thus providing press and radio with a permanent new competitor. The general business pause in the spring of 1949, between recession and further inflation, had its effect on advertising also. On the international scene, the long-awaited United Nations draft convention on freedom of information was submitted for debate at Lake Success, with both Britain and the United States expressing fear that the convention would be modified too drastically for them to accept. —W. F. S.


Communication ◽  
2011 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dwight Teeter

Freedom of the press refers to the freedom to criticize government without suffering official interference or punishment, before or after publication. “Freedom of the press,” “freedom of speech,” and “freedom of expression” are terms often used together in the United States, with “the press” primarily connoting print and electronic media. This bibliography concentrates on freedom of the press as defined by some major American and English writers and in decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States. Because of the advent of electronic media and of the internet and of other “new media” or “social media” during the 20th and early 21st centuries, the term “freedom of the press” is used to cover mediated communication in general. The clearest indicator of press freedom is that opponents of government or of government leaders, laws, or policies can publish effective criticisms without suffering government retaliation in the form of fines, imprisonment, or even death. That definition does not include communications that may break laws of general applicability, such as the law of fraud, nor violation of a contract. It also does not cover extralegal controls such a communicator’s sense of the community’s range of permissible expression, or public pressures (including mob action) against the press in times of crisis. The legal definition of “freedom of the press” in the United States begins with the forty-five words of the First Amendment to the Constitution, adopted 15 December 1791: “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or the free exercise thereof, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.” The absolute words of prohibition against congressional statutes tampering with speech or press freedom were, however, overridden early in the nation’s history by Congress in 1798, just seven years after the adoption of the First Amendment. Congress then passed the Alien and Sedition Acts of 1798, which, among other things, made it a crime to criticize the federal government or government leaders. These short-lived enactments, which fueled bitter partisan controversy in the new nation, are discussed in the Historical Context section. Freedom of the press is not static: it rises in times of peace and diminishes in times of war or national crisis, when most needed by society.


Worldview ◽  
1982 ◽  
Vol 25 (12) ◽  
pp. 5-7
Author(s):  
Richard Worthington

Ever since the Sandinista Front for National Liberation (FSLN) toppled the fifty-year-old dictatorship of Anastasio Somoza Debayle in Nicaragua in July, 1979, the United States press has paid consistent close attention to civil liberties issues, especially press freedom, in assessing the course of the revolution. On the heels of the FSLN victory, the Establishment media's attitude toward the newly reconstituted Central American state was one of suprised approval: This leftist regime had embarked on a unique form of reconstruction marked by a mixed economy and genuine respect for civil liberties. During the past two years, however, watchful anticipation has given way to stern judgment. Now, when reporting on the new government's human rights and civil liberties record, these press observers tend to picture a repressive, one-party state.


1994 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-26
Author(s):  
Chris W. Ogbondah

Human rights is an issue that is broader than ordinarily understood. Its ramifications cover political, economic, social and cultural rights. Almost every nation has made constitutional provisions guaranteeing these rights. The purpose of the constitutional provisions is to defend, by institutionalized means, the rights of human beings against abuses of power committed by the organs and agencies of the state. Notably enough, however, each nation emphasizes those human rights that it frequently respects and observes. Thus, the United States emphasizes, for example, freedom of the press, freedom of expression, freedom of religion as if those aspects that it emphasizes constitute the entire human rights.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Modu Alh. Bukar Bukar ◽  
Mohammed Kaka ◽  
Mai Dunoma Zannah

The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.


1951 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 403-409
Author(s):  
William F. Swindler ◽  
Granville Price ◽  
Armistead S. Pride ◽  
Baskett Mosse ◽  

Economic pressures constituted an ever greater threat to domestic and world press freedom in mid-1951. This was dramatized by the suspension of the St. Louis Star-Times and the transition of that community into the growing column of non-competitive newspaper territories. Rising labor and newsprint costs were cited as a basic cause of the suspension. Newsprint, already at all-time high prices, was the subject of several congressional and administrative discussions—not only in the interest of American newspapers but of publications throughout the free world which were faced with the imminent prospect of starving for paper. … Political attacks on press freedom continued abroad with passage of a highly restrictive statute in India, while in the United States a partisan effort to “investigate” certain Florida dailies was eventually snuffed out. —W. F. S.


Author(s):  
James C Alexander

From the first days, of the first session, of the first Congress of the United States, the Senate was consumed by an issue that would do immense and lasting political harm to the sitting vice president, John Adams. The issue was a seemingly unimportant one: titles. Adams had strong opinions on what constituted a proper title for important officers of government and, either because he was unconcerned or unaware of the damage it would cause, placed himself in the middle of the brewing dispute. Adams hoped the president would be referred to as, “His highness, the President of the United States of America, and Protector of the Rights of the Same.” The suggestion enraged many, amused some, and was supported by few. He lost the fight over titles and made fast enemies with several of the Senators he was constitutionally obligated to preside over. Adams was savaged in the press, derided in the Senate and denounced by one of his oldest and closest friends. Not simply an isolated incident of political tone-deafness, this event set the stage for the campaign against Adams as a monarchist and provided further proof of his being woefully out of touch.


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