scholarly journals Press freedom and media ownership are factors that influence media performance: comparative analysis of these factors in USA and Nigeria

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 13-20
Author(s):  
Modu Alh. Bukar Bukar ◽  
Mohammed Kaka ◽  
Mai Dunoma Zannah

The paper is to examine the influence of press freedom and media ownership in the performance of the media institutions in the United States of America and Federal Republic of Nigeria. However, in order to set for such discourse there is indispensable need to review some of the normative theories of the media, which will enable us to locate the appropriate principles guiding the operation of the media in each countries under study. The subdivided into: Abstract, Introduction, Normative Theories of the press, press freedom in United States, press freedom in Nigeria (democracy and press freedom, freedom of information act and conclusion). The analysis concludes that, The United States even has provision in their law and constitution forbidding state interference in the area of information content and dissemination. In Nigeria however, the state control society including the mass media. In this regard, whether media are owned by public or private individuals, they are only meant to service the government in power and were forbidden to criticize the government or its functionaries. The paper recommends that, For Nigerian press to be free the country should militate the all laws or factors that against the press freedom and Members of the Nigerian press must adhere to the ethics of the profession, in order to compete with others freers press of the other countries.

2004 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert W. Mc Chesney

In the United States the media system is set up to maximise profit for a relative handful of large companies. The system works well for them, but it is a disaster for the communication needs of a healthy and self-governing society. The problem is not with the poorly trained or unethical journalists; in fact, I suspect they may well be as talented and ethical as any generation of journalists in memory. It is the context journalists work in that is the problem. 


1949 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 228-239
Author(s):  
William F. Swindler ◽  
DeWitt C. Reddick ◽  
Granville Price ◽  
Armistead S. Pride ◽  
Baskett Mosse ◽  
...  

A concerted congressional effort to raise second-class postage rates was the chief problem facing the press in the spring of 1949. Another legislative question affecting the newspaper industry was the possibility of repeal or comprehensive revision of the Taft-Hartley Act and its effect upon the strategy of both management and labor. In other branches of communications, the commercial success of television manifestly was assured, thus providing press and radio with a permanent new competitor. The general business pause in the spring of 1949, between recession and further inflation, had its effect on advertising also. On the international scene, the long-awaited United Nations draft convention on freedom of information was submitted for debate at Lake Success, with both Britain and the United States expressing fear that the convention would be modified too drastically for them to accept. —W. F. S.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Martha Minow

As traditional for-profit news media in the United States decline in economic viability and sheer numbers of outlets and staff, what does and what should the constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press mean? The book examines the current news ecosystem in the United States and chronicles historical developments in government involvement in shaping the industry. It argues that initiatives by the government and by private sector actors are not only permitted but called for as transformations in technology, economics, and communications jeopardize the production and distribution of and trust in news and the very existence of local news reporting. It presents twelve proposals for change to help preserve the free press essential to our democratic society.


1990 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 416-424
Author(s):  
Jeremy Kilpatrick

In 1964, samples of students from some 5000 secondary schools in 12 countries took mathematics tests and filled out opinion and informational questionnaires in the first effort by a group now known as the International Association for Educational Achievement (IEA) to compare students' subject maner knowledge crossnationally and relate that knowledge to characteristics of schools, teachers, and educational systems. The release of the report of that study (Husén, 1967), which later became known as the First International Mathematics Study (FIMS), touched off a furor in the United States as American mathematics educators rushed to explain (or explain away) the relatively poor performance of the American students. The study itself was more a study in comparative education that used mathematics as an indicator of what had been learned in school than a study in mathematics education with clear implications for curricula and instruction. The press release and subsequent accounts in the media, however, portrayed the study as an international competition with winners and losers (Japan won, the United States lost). The bulk of a special issue of this journal on the FIMS (Wilson & Peaker, 1971) was given over to critiques by Americans of the IEA's assumptions, instruments, analyses, reporting, and interpretations.


2007 ◽  
Vol 192 ◽  
pp. 949-970 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ma Ngok

AbstractTen years after the handover, Hong Kong's media faced multiple pressures. There were few cases of outright prosecution of the media, but there were subtle political and economic pressures. Co-optation of media bosses, fear of losing advertising revenue and media takeovers by pro-Beijing figures brought some of the media into line. This brought editorial shift and self-censorship, as the media systematically shied away from stories that might antagonize Beijing, underplayed negative news for the government and gave the democrats less favourable coverage. Interviews with journalists showed little evidence of ostensible intervention from government officials or media bosses, but newsroom socialization and editorial gatekeeping are effective constraints. The constitutional guarantee of freedom of the press and the moral force of professional ethics lent the media the room to defend and negotiate their freedom, but the pervasive fear induced by the political environment invariably overpowered the resistance and constrained press freedom in Hong Kong.


Author(s):  
Gregory S. Gordon

In light of the compelling empirical connection between hate speech and atrocity, what laws, if any, criminalize the dissemination of such rhetoric? Chapter 2 begins to answer that question by examining international human rights instruments and domestic laws covering speech and violence. It notes there is an inbuilt clash in the principal human rights documents between free expression and freedom from invidious discrimination. Most of the world’s liberal democracies protect dignity against discrimination. The United States does not. The world’s most speech-protective jurisdiction, its Constitution’s First Amendment stipulates that the government may “make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.” As the United States plays a prominent role in developing the criminalization of atrocity speech on the global stage, and as its Supreme Court has often held forth on issues of speech liberty, its domestic jurisprudence is a particular focus of this chapter.


Author(s):  
Simon Butt ◽  
Tim Lindsey

The Indonesian media is vibrant and expanding, although ownership concentration is a significant problem. This chapter describes the regulatory framework governing the media that was developed after Soeharto’s system of tight control was abolished. It pays particular attention to the Press Council and the Indonesian Broadcasting Commission. It also covers journalists’ associations, press freedom, censorship, and the right to privacy; and the law of defamation and related provisions in the law on electronic transactions and information. Freedom of information law and laws protecting state secrets are also covered. The chapter discusses two high-profile defamation cases that created controversy in Indonesia—those involving Prita Mulyasari and Tommy Soeharto. These reveal serious flaws in the current legal regime governing the media in Indonesia.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Susilo

After 1999, Indonesia's Media became grown up. It is the implication of the fallen of the authoritarian regime, Suharto. The growth has another side effect about trends of media conglomeration. Indonesian Media Conglomerate such as Tanoesoedibjo, Tandjung, Paloh and Bakrie also have the background as a politician. Mass media are an efficient tool to change the mind of people.  Mass society theory makes several basic assumptions about individuals, the role of media, and the nature of social change. Media owner used their media for preserving his political influences. Facing this situation, Indonesian regulation about media ownership ignored by media owners. They used their power in the political area to get away from the regulation. Whereas, in Indonesian Law Number 32, issued on 2002 about Broadcasting Media, Especially on Chapter 36 verse 4 states, "broadcast content must be maintained neutrality and should not put the interests of a group". Many complain from the media audience, but no action from the government. The regulator doesn't enforce the law, especially at Broadcast Media. Most of the press uses the public sphere, who design for democratisation process, not for individual or political party's interest. Keywords: media conglomeration, Indonesia, Politics


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