Press and U.S. Policy toward Nicaragua, 1983–1987: A Study of the New York Times and Washington Post

1992 ◽  
Vol 69 (3) ◽  
pp. 562-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra H. Dickson

A content analysis of the New York Times and Washington Post for the years 1983 to 1987 shows that these newspapers demonstrated a pattern of legitimating U.S. government policy in the United States-Nicaraguan conflict. About half of all sources named in both newspapers were government officials with a stake in the official view. “Contra” officials representing Nicaragua's anti-government forces supported by the United States were seldom cited. But there was some critical coverage; however, criticism centered primarily on the means of achieving stated U.S. policy goals rather than on the appropriateness of the policy itself.

2020 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence J. Trautman

In November 2018, The New York Times ran a front-page story describing how Facebook concealed knowledge and disclosure of Russian-linked activity and exploitation resulting in Kremlin led disruption of the 2016 and 2018 U.S. elections, through the use of global hate campaigns and propaganda warfare. By mid-December 2018, it became clear that the Russian efforts leading up to the 2016 U.S. elections were much more extensive than previously thought. Two studies conducted for the United States Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (SSCI), by: (1) Oxford University’s Computational Propaganda Project and Graphika; and (2) New Knowledge, provide considerable new information and analysis about the Russian Internet Research Agency (IRA) influence operations targeting American citizens.By early 2019 it became apparent that a number of influential and successful high growth social media platforms had been used by nation states for propaganda purposes. Over two years earlier, Russia was called out by the U.S. intelligence community for their meddling with the 2016 American presidential elections. The extent to which prominent social media platforms have been used, either willingly or without their knowledge, by foreign powers continues to be investigated as this Article goes to press. Reporting by The New York Times suggests that it wasn’t until the Facebook board meeting held September 6, 2017 that board audit committee chairman, Erskin Bowles, became aware of Facebook’s internal awareness of the extent to which Russian operatives had utilized the Facebook and Instagram platforms for influence campaigns in the United States. As this Article goes to press, the degree to which the allure of advertising revenues blinded Facebook to their complicit role in offering the highest bidder access to Facebook users is not yet fully known. This Article can not be a complete chapter in the corporate governance challenge of managing, monitoring, and oversight of individual privacy issues and content integrity on prominent social media platforms. The full extent of Facebook’s experience is just now becoming known, with new revelations yet to come. All interested parties: Facebook users; shareholders; the board of directors at Facebook; government regulatory agencies such as the Federal Trade Commission (FTC) and Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC); and Congress must now figure out what has transpired and what to do about it. These and other revelations have resulted in a crisis for Facebook. American democracy has been and continues to be under attack. This article contributes to the literature by providing background and an account of what is known to date and posits recommendations for corrective action.


1995 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 22-23
Author(s):  
Immanuel Wallerstein

Once upon a time, not so very long ago, the study of Africa in the United States was a very rare and obscure practice, engaged in almost exclusively by African-American (then called Negro) intellectuals. They published scholarly articles primarily in quite specialized journals, notably Phylon, and their books were never reviewed in the New York Times. As a matter of fact, at this time (that is, before 1945) there weren't even very many books written about African-Americans in the U.S., although the library acquisitions were not quite as rare as those for books about Africa.


2009 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 562-584 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wojciech Baginski

Imagine that you are lying in a hospital: conscious, partially paralyzed, and terminally ill. Physicians predict that you will die in a couple of weeks. You have heard about the shortage of viable organs in the United States and consider consenting to transplantation of your organs after you die. Trying not to think about your imminent death, you open the New York Times brought by your family and skim the table of contents. You notice an article and slowly start to read. The headline reads “Surgeon Accused of Hurrying Death of Patient to Get Organs.” After you finish reading, you are not willing to donate your organs for transplantation. It does not matter that you are altruistic or that you want your life-sustaining treatment to be removed when your condition worsens. You do not want your death to be hastened. You do not want the physician to play God. You want to die with dignity in a peaceful and friendly environment.


2017 ◽  
Vol 79 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-297 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jae Sik Ha

This study investigated the portrayal of the Arab Spring by conducting a qualitative framing analysis of editorials and columns in two elite U.S. newspapers: The New York Times and The Washington Post. Most opinion writers on the Arab Spring in the The New York Times and The Washington Post were either journalists from the news organizations themselves or ex-officials and scholars at various U.S. institutions. Thus, these papers reflected the viewpoints of political elites in portraying the Arab Spring. They largely advocated principles that accentuated the liberalism paradigm of international relations, such as democracy, international cooperation, and economic independence. These papers placed great emphasis on the possible impact of the Arab Spring on the U.S.’s continued deterrence of radical Islam and terrorism, but essentially none on the possible impact these events might have on the U.S.’s continued dependence on Middle East oil. The opinion journalism of U.S. elite papers is largely determined by journalists, ex-government officials, and scholars within the ʻmedia organizationalʼ and ʻsocial institutionalʼ levels, as well as American ideologies and interests on the ʻsocial systemʼ level.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 47-51
Author(s):  
Маркина ◽  
Yulia Markina

In this article the author analyzes factors and social conditions that in the 1990s affected the transformation of the editorial policy of the «The New York Times», one of the most respected and influential newspapers, not only in the United States, but worldwide. The author of this article traced trends and conditions of the development of American quality press that turned «The New York Times» from strictly quality newspaper intended for the intellectual elite and high-ranking officials in qualitative mass edition. The publishers were forced to adapt to the wishes and sentiments of new readers. Consequently, their decision was to simplify the official style of respectable «The New York Times» paying more attention to the scandalous articles and the criminal chronicle. The article also explores the thematic focus of updated elite newspaper, addressed now not only to the rich people of high society, but also to representatives of different social groups. The subjects of this article are typological innovations in the newspaper related to social, cultural, economic and political changes in the United States. The purpose of the study is to analyze the above changes in content of the newspaper’s publications.


2014 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 207-235 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jiso Yoon ◽  
Amber E. Boydstun

AbstractWhat determines which political actors dominate a country’s news? Understanding the forces that shape political actors’ news coverage matters, because these actors can influence which problems and alternatives receive a nation’s public and policy attention. Across free-press nations, the degree of media attention actors receive is rarely proportional to their degree of participation in the policymaking process. Yet, the nature of this “mis”-representation varies by country. We argue that journalistic operating procedures – namely, journalists’ incentive-driven relationships with government officials – help explain cross-national variance in actors’ media representation relative to policymaking participation. We examine two free-press countries with dramatically different journalistic procedures: United States and Korea. For each, we compare actors’ policymaking participation to news coverage (using all 2008New York TimesandHankyoreh Dailyfront-page stories). Although exhibiting greater general discrepancy between actors’ policymaking and media representation, diverse actors are over-represented in United States news; in Korea, governmental actors are dominant.


2005 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-3 ◽  
Author(s):  
WILLIAM BREITBART

Terri Schiavo died on March 31, 2005, at the age of 41. Virtually thousands of others died or lay dying on that day throughout the world, yet the death of Terri Schiavo gripped not only the attention of the media throughout the United States and much of the world, but the attention of the U.S. Congress, the U.S. President, the Vatican, and millions in the United States and around the world. Why? Well, in the words of U.S. President George Bush, “The case of Terri Schiavo raises complex issues…. Those who live at the mercy of others deserve our special care and concern. It should be our goal as a nation to build a culture of life, where all Americans are valued, welcomed, and protected—and that culture of life must extend to individuals with disabilities” (The New York Times, March 31, 2005). Terri Schiavo, in her persistent vegetative state of 15 years duration, was being kept alive, in her Florida hospice bed, with the help of a feeding tube that artificially delivered fluids and nutrition. The attempts of her husband over the last 7 years, in opposition to the wishes of his wife's parents, to remove the feeding tube and allow his wife to die have created a firestorm of controversy and debate in judicial, medical, political, ethical, moral, and religious arenas. When Terri Schiavo died, some 13 days after the feeding tube was removed, the noted civil rights activist Reverend Jesse Jackson said, “She was starved and dehydrated to death!” (The New York Times, March 31, 2005). A Vatican spokesman said “Exceptions cannot be allowed to the principle of the sacredness of life from conception to its natural death” (The New York Times, March 31, 2005). Clearly, the death of Terri Schiavo rekindled a variety of debates that were perhaps dormant but unresolved. The political debate in the United States and the appropriateness of steps taken by the U.S. President and Congress will likely continue through the next cycle of elections and the process of selecting and approving judicial nominations. They will also, undoubtedly, influence several aspects of medical research and practice including end-of-life care. The religious and moral debates regarding the sanctity of life will continue and also significantly impact on medical research and medical practice. For those interested in reading more about these particular issues I refer you to two excellent pieces in the April 21, 2005, issue of the New England Journal of Medicine (i.e., Annas, 2005; Quill, 2005). For clinicians and researchers in palliative care, however, the death of Terri Schiavo has raised some rather specific clinical and research issues that must be addressed. These issues pertain primarily to the experience of suffering in the dying process.


Author(s):  
Ron Holloway

INTERNATIONALES LEIPZIGER FESTIVAL FUER DOKUMENTAR- UND ANIMATIONSFILM 2003 The timing could not have been better. Shortly after the 45th Leipzig International Festival for Documentary and Animation Films (15-20 October 2002) opened with the hit documentary of the year, Michael Moore's Bowling for Columbine (USA), the German edition of Moore's bestselling "Stupid White Men" hit the book stands. The biting, acerbic, stinging Bowling for Columbine had been invited to compete at Cannes and was awarded there an especially created "Unique Prize of the 55th Anniversary Festival." And "Stupid White Men," a riotous political satire penned in the journalistic vein of H.L. Mencken and Mike Royko, rode the best-seller list in the New York Times for nearly a year. How did this hard-nose statement on gun-related deaths in the United States and the ongoing battle with the gun lobby in Congress get made in the first place? Armed with a disarming...


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 100
Author(s):  
Shahad Mohammed Almayouf

The primary purpose of this study is to carry out and present an Appraisal analysis of the discourse of two reports published in the New York Times and the Washington Post newspapers. The specific objective is to identify and analyze the main attitudinal resources employed by the report’s authors to construe and negotiate feelings with their audiences about the Muslim ban incident that was implemented during Trump’s presidency of the United States. Moreover, the study explores the ideological differences from an Appraisal perspective about the travel ban between the selected newspapers. The study revealed that Appreciation resources were used more than other resources in the Washington Post, and the majority of them were addressing the travel restriction. On the other hand, the New York Times report made extensive use of both Judgment and Appreciation resources. In addition, all attitudes in the texts predicted ideological differences, but the Appreciation resources were the most critical predictor of ideological differences between them. This research reveals then which attitudes are more likely to reveal ideological differences.


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