Maximum convergence on a just minimum: A pluralist justification for European Social Policy

2016 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 164-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juri Viehoff

There is widespread agreement that the European Union is presently suffering from a lack of social justice. Yet there is significant disagreement about what the relevant injustice consists in: Federalists believe the EU can only remedy its justice deficit through the introduction of direct interpersonal transfers between people living in separate states. Intergovernmentalists believe the justice-related purpose of the EU is to enable states to cooperate fairly, and to remain internally just and democratic in the face of increased global pressure on welfare states. I suggest that despite their fundamental differences, many of the most reasonable and prominent philosophical accounts of social justice in the EU nonetheless converge in their institutional prescriptions. In particular, they may each serve as a justificatory basis for introducing the European social minimum, an EU-wide income support scheme.

2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 256-257
Author(s):  
William Walters

Social scientific interest in "social Europe" pales in compar- ison with the attention that has been directed toward the economic and political dimensions of the European Union (EU). This is perhaps hardly surprising; for much of its relatively short history, the system that is today the EU has been almost exclusively economic in its focus. Only since the 1980s has the project of European integration acquired a significant social dimension. Given this imbalance, Robert Geyer provides a welcome and timely addition to the litera- ture.


Author(s):  
José Caetano ◽  
António Bento Caleiro

The literature recognizes that the gradual countries' involvement in the economic globalization has generated competitive environments that stimulate innovation and economic growth. Yet, globalization has also apparently led to the increase of inequality, contributing for waves of populism and discontent, claiming for justice in sharing these benefits. Thus, it is not surprising that the interaction globalization/social justice is paying attention to politicians and academics, seeking to identify if there is reason to fear that the globalization leads to increase inequality. This chapter deals with the link between globalization and social justice, measured by updated indicators that improved the data quality and broadened their baseline. In what globalization concerns are applied the renewed KOF index, including de facto and de jure perspectives. Concerning social justice, are used the latest “EU Social Justice Index”. The study reflects on the effects of the recent global financial crises in the EU members, which especially hit the Euro zone.


2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 87-91
Author(s):  
Steve Corbett ◽  
Alan Walker

The narrow referendum decision for British exit from the European Union (Brexit), and its explosive political consequences, has become a lens through which decades-long tensions in European society can be viewed. The result, which was expected to be a clear Remain victory, has been interpreted as various combinations of: the unleashing of xenophobic and racist anti-immigrant sentiment; a kick back against disinterested elites by ‘left behind’ people; the fermenting of nationalist populism by political and media actors; a clash of cultural values; a rejection of ‘market is all’ globalisation in favour of national borders; or as a reaction against austerity, inequality and insecurity (Corbett, 2016; Goodwin and Heath, 2016; Hobolt, 2016; Inglehart and Norris, 2016; Kaufmann, 2016; Pettifor, 2016; Room, 2016; Seidler, 2018; Taylor-Gooby, 2017). This British-made shock has parallels in and consequences for wider European society. In the Referendum, the EU became an emblematic representation of the distrusted, remote, technocratic elites, who are said to be responsible for an unbelievably large number of societal ills. Meanwhile across Europe there are varieties of Eurosceptic populism and distrust of elites on both the right and left (Ivaldi et al., 2017).


2011 ◽  
Vol 105 (4) ◽  
pp. 649-693 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gráinne de Búrca

For many, the enactment of the European Union’s Treaty of Lisbon, with its range of significant human rights provisions, marks the EU’s coming of age as a human rights actor. The Lisbon Treaty inaugurated the legally binding character of the EU Charter of Fundamental Rights (EU Charter), enshrined a commitment to accede to the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), and, in Article 2 of the Treaty on European Union (TEU), identified human rights as a foundational value. These changes have already drawn comment as developments that “will change the face of the Union fundamentally,” that take the protection of rights in the EU “to a new level,” and that indicate that “the arguments for improving the status of human rights in EU law… have finally been heard. There is general agreement, in other words, that the EU has reached the high point of its engagement with human rights.


2016 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-59 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrzej Klimczuk

The approach to analysing population ageing and its impacts on the economy has evolved in recent years. There is increasing interest in the development and use of products and services related to gerontechnology as well as other social innovations that may be considered as central parts of the ‘‘silver economy.’’ However, the concept of silver economy is still being formed and requires detailed research. This article proposes a typology of models of the silver economy in the European Union (EU) at the national and regional levels. This typology was created by comparing the Active Ageing Index to the typology of varieties and cultures of capitalism and typology of the welfare states. Practical recommendations for institutions of the EU and directions for further research are discussed.


Author(s):  
Anna Michalski

This chapter examines the adaptations that have occurred in Sweden’s political and administrative system following its admission to the European Union on 1 January 1995. Sweden became a member of the EU on 1 January 1995 after a long period of hesitation. After fifteen years of membership, reticence has given way to a more positive stance, best characterized as pragmatic support. The chapter first considers patterns in Sweden’s membership in the EU before discussing Swedish public opinion towards the EU and the impact of Sweden’s EU membership on the country’s political parties, political institutions, public administration, and sub-national actors such as the civil service. The chapter goes on to explore Sweden’s approach to EU public policy and concludes by comparing its experience with those of other member states, including Austria and Finland.


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 362-401
Author(s):  
Daniel E. Márquez Lasso

The principle of prohibition of abuse of rights is applicable in fields as varied as the free movement of goods (judgment of 10 of January 1985, Association des Centres distributeurs Leclerc and Thouars Distribution, Case 229/83), freedom to provide services (judgment of 3 of February 1993, Veronica Omroep Organisatie, Case C‑148/91), public service contracts (judgment of 11 of December 2014, Azienda sanitaria locale n. 5 Spezzino and Others, Case C‑113/13), freedom of establishment (judgment of 9 of March 1999, Centros, Case C‑212/97), company law (judgment of 23 of March 2000, Diamantis, Case C‑373/97), social security (judgments of 2 of May 1996, Paletta, Case C‑206/94; of 6 of February 2018, Altun and Others, Case C‑359/16; and of 11 of July 2018, Commission v Belgium, Case C‑356/15), transport (judgment of 6 of April 2006, Agip Petroli, Case C‑456/04), social policy (judgment of 28 of July 2016, Kratzer, Case C‑423/15), restrictive measures (judgment of 21 of December 2011, Afrasiabi and Others, Case C‑72/11) and value added tax (judgment of 21 of February 2006, Halifax and Others, Case C‑255/02) and, in that sense, the EU principle of prohibition of abuse of law has been developing within the jurisprudence of the Court of Justice of the European Union since the mid-1970s, addressing it in multiple ways, not only in the face of different factual assumptions, which would be understandable and even necessary but, in its evolution, treating asymmetrically the handling of the requirements that must be met to reach the conclusion of the existence of practices abusive.


2018 ◽  
Vol III (I) ◽  
pp. 31-38
Author(s):  
Sohail Ahmad ◽  
Inayat Kalim ◽  
Azka Gull

Complex interdependence is the crucial concept of liberalism. If Liberalism believes in democracy, cooperation, mutual benefits, and human rights, then complex interdependence helps the states to achieve these ideals. Moreover, it also minimizes the chances of conflict and war. The military’s role as a tool of foreign policy is limited, and transnational actors take precedence. The core of liberalism and interdependence could be understood more clearly if one applied it to the European Union. With 28 member states, the EU is the most influential intergovernmental organization in the whole world. The EU member states are mostly democratic and can easily be described as welfare states. The multiplex interdependence is a unique feature of the EU which makes it stronger. The EU has different organs which are responsible for drafting the legislature and carrying out different functions of the organization.


2021 ◽  
pp. 396-416
Author(s):  
Manfred G. Schmidt

This chapter portrays the development of social policy managed by the European Union, focuses on principles of steering in the EU’s social policy, and explores the distribution of power between national social political action in the member states and European social policy since 1957. The data show that the EU has been able to gain influence through regulatory social policies and soft governance instruments. As pertaining to social services, social expenditure, and redistributive concepts, however, the EU only plays a marginal role. The predominance of national social policy and the limited role of European social policy have been largely due to socio-economic diversity of the EU’s member state, heterogeneous welfare states, institutional obstacles of policymaking in the EU, and powerful national constraints.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-290
Author(s):  
Penda Altaras

This paper examines the causes of prominent radical political options and behaviors that are already visible on a daily basis in the European Union. In public discourse there is a simplified belief that the primarily responsibility for this lies with the immigrants and fear caused by terrorist attacks carried out in Europe or the old European latent nationalism. Although these elements undoubtedly contribute to the development of radicalism, the author argues that the key sources for this issue should be found in the difficulties encountered by the European national welfare states. This is the source of ever-greater mutual intolerance among the citizens of the European Union, which can take on various forms of political, cultural, ideological and physical conflict. On the basis of these arguments the author concludes that the European Union is indeed in a historic milestone but the real danger of the European Union?s disintegration is not primarily in cultural, civilization, confessional, security or geopolitical sources, but this source should first be sought through the prism of the European national social states and the expectations of citizens referring to them.


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