Evaluating Prognostic Factors for Liver Transplantation Among United States Patients With Hereditary Transthyretin-Mediated (hATTR) Amyloidosis Using National Registry Data

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-219
Author(s):  
Danielle Brandman ◽  
Hollis Lin ◽  
Anastasia McManus ◽  
Sonalee Agarwal ◽  
Larry M. Gache ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Liver Transplantation ◽  
Prognostic Factors ◽  
Selection Criterion ◽  
Reference Population ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transplant Survival ◽  
Post Transplant ◽  
Risk Of Death ◽  
The Us

Introduction: Orthotopic liver transplantation has been used as a treatment for hereditary transthyretin-mediated (hATTR) amyloidosis, a rare, progressive, and multisystem disease. Research Question: The objective is to evaluate survival outcomes post-liver transplantation in patients with hATTR amyloidosis in the United States and assess whether previously published prognostic factors of patient survival in hATTR amyloidosis are generalizable to the US population. Design: This cohort study examined patients with hATTR amyloidosis undergoing liver transplant in the United States (N = 168) between March 2002 and March 2016 using data reported to the Organ Procurement and Transplantation Network (UNOS)/United Network for Organ Sharing (OPTN). Results: A multivariable Cox hazards regression model showed among all factors tested, only modified body mass index (kg/m2 × g/L) at the time of transplant was significantly associated with survival. Higher modified BMI was associated with lower risk of death relative to a reference population (<600) with historically poor post-transplant outcomes. Patients with modified BMI 1000 to <1200 (hazard ratio [HR] = 0.27; 95% confidence interval [CI] = 0.10-0.73), 1200 to <1400 (HR = 0.20; 95% CI = 0.06-0.75), and ≥1400 (HR = 0.15; 95% CI = 0.04-0.61) exhibited improved adjusted 5-year post-transplant survival of 74%, 80%, and 85%, respectively, versus 33% in the reference population. Discussion: The association between a higher modified BMI threshold at the time of transplant and improved post-transplant survival suggests that the previously published patient selection criterion for modified BMI may not be applicable to the US population.

scholarly journals Regional Disparities in Transplantation With Deceased Donor Kidneys With Kidney Donor Profile Index Less Than 20% Among Candidates With Top 20% Estimated Post Transplant Survival

2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 354-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Ali Husain ◽  
Kristen L. King ◽  
Geoffrey K. Dube ◽  
Demetra Tsapepas ◽  
David J. Cohen ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Research Question ◽  
Deceased Donor ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strongly Correlated ◽  
Kidney Donor ◽  
Donor Kidney ◽  
Transplant Survival ◽  
Post Transplant ◽  
Deceased Donor Kidney

Introduction: The Kidney Allocation System in the United States prioritizes candidates with Estimated Post-Transplant Survival (EPTS) ≤20% to receive deceased donor kidneys with Kidney Donor Profile Index (KDPI) ≤20%. Research Question: We compared access to KDPI ≤ 20% kidneys for EPTS ≤ 20% candidates across the United States to determine whether geographic disparities in access to these low KDPI kidneys exist. Design: We identified all incident adult deceased donor kidney candidates wait-listed January 1, 2015, to March 31, 2018, using United Network for Organ Sharing data. We calculated the proportion of candidates transplanted, final EPTS, and KDPI of transplanted kidneys for candidates listed with EPTS ≤ 20% versus >20%. We compared the odds of receiving a KDPI ≤ 20% deceased donor kidney for EPTS ≤ 20% candidates across regions using logistic regression. Results: Among 121 069 deceased donor kidney candidates, 28.5% had listing EPTS ≤ 20%. Of these, 16.1% received deceased donor kidney transplants (candidates listed EPTS > 20%: 17.1% transplanted) and 12.3% lost EPTS ≤ 20% status. Only 49.4% of transplanted EPTS ≤ 20% candidates received a KDPI ≤ 20% kidney, and 48.3% of KDPI ≤ 20% kidneys went to recipients with EPTS > 20% at the time of transplantation. Odds of receiving a KDPI ≤ 20% kidney were highest in region 6 and lowest in region 9 (odds ratio 0.19 [0.13 to 0.28]). The ratio of KDPI ≤ 20% donors per EPTS ≤ 20% candidate and likelihood of KDPI ≤ 20% transplantation were strongly correlated ( r 2 = 0.84). Discussion: Marked geographic variation in the likelihood of receiving a KDPI ≤ 20% deceased donor kidney among transplanted EPTS ≤ 20% candidates exists and is related to differences in organ availability within allocation borders. Policy changes to improve organ sharing are needed to improve equity in access to low KDPI kidneys.

Improved Post-Transplant Survival in the United States for Patients with Cholangiocarcinoma After 2000

2013 ◽  
Vol 59 (5) ◽  
pp. 1048-1054 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reena J. Salgia ◽  
Amit G. Singal ◽  
Sherry Fu ◽  
Shawn Pelletier ◽  
Jorge A. Marrero
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transplant Survival ◽  
Post Transplant

Abstract 15953: Impact of Citizenship on Heart Transplantation Outcomes in the United States

Circulation ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 142 (Suppl_3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Allison P Levin ◽  
Thomas C Hanff ◽  
Robert S Zhang ◽  
Rhondalyn C McLean ◽  
Joyce W Wald ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Heart Transplant ◽  
Transplant Rejection ◽  
The United States ◽  
Heart Transplants ◽  
Allocation Policy ◽  
Transplant Survival ◽  
Post Transplant ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
Face Complex

Background: Non-citizens of the United States face complex social and economic issues, which may impact their post-transplant outcomes compared to US citizens. To this end, we utilized the United Network for Organ Sharing (UNOS) database to examine post-heart transplant (OHT) outcomes, stratified by citizenship status. Methods: UNOS was queried to identify OHT recipients from 03/01/12 (start of new schema for citizenship categorization) through 10/18/18 (start of new heart allocation algorithm). Groups for analysis, were as follows: US Citizen, Non-US Citizen/Resident (NC-R) and Non-US Citizen/Non-US Resident (NC-NR). Post-transplant survival and rate of post-transplant rejection were assessed via Kaplan-Meier analysis and tests of proportions. Results: Of the 16,211 OHT recipients identified, 15,677 (96.7%) were US citizens and 534 (3.3%) were Non-Citizens. Among Non-Citizens, 430 were NC-R and 104 were NC-NR, representing 2.7% and 0.6% of the total transplants. Notably, NC-NR were younger than either Citizens or NC-R, and had the shortest median time from listing to transplant (NC-R 80 days vs. Citizens 107 days vs. NC-NR 76 days, p=0.001). The proportion of transplants received by non-citizens varied widely by region, ranging from 0.59% in region 8 (6/1018) to 8.31% (84/1011) in region 9. There was no significant difference in post-transplant survival estimates in citizens vs. non-citizens (logrank p = 0.542), nor in the proportion of patients treated for rejection by one year (15.0% vs. 16.1%, p= 0.504) Conclusion: Non-US Citizens receive three percent of heart transplants performed in the US each year. Post-heart transplant survival and rate of rejection are similar in US citizens and non-citizens. These data may be relevant in the context of evolving UNOS policies. Additional studies are needed are to further inform organ allocation policy.

Improved Post-Transplant Survival in the United States for Patients With Cholangiocarcinoma After 2000

2011 ◽  
Vol 140 (5) ◽  
pp. S-912
Author(s):  
Reena Salgia ◽  
Amit G. Singal ◽  
Sherry Fu ◽  
Shawn Pelletier ◽  
Jorge A. Marrero
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transplant Survival ◽  
Post Transplant

The United States and the Iranian Nuclear Programme

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Hurst
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decision Making ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nixon Administration ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
The Us ◽  
Nuclear Issue ◽  
The Relationship

The United States, Iran and the Bomb provides the first comprehensive analysis of the US-Iranian nuclear relationship from its origins through to the signing of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) in 2015. Starting with the Nixon administration in the 1970s, it analyses the policies of successive US administrations toward the Iranian nuclear programme. Emphasizing the centrality of domestic politics to decision-making on both sides, it offers both an explanation of the evolution of the relationship and a critique of successive US administrations' efforts to halt the Iranian nuclear programme, with neither coercive measures nor inducements effectively applied. The book further argues that factional politics inside Iran played a crucial role in Iranian nuclear decision-making and that American policy tended to reinforce the position of Iranian hardliners and undermine that of those who were prepared to compromise on the nuclear issue. In the final chapter it demonstrates how President Obama's alterations to American strategy, accompanied by shifts in Iranian domestic politics, finally brought about the signing of the JCPOA in 2015.

‘To see oursels as ithers see us’: Reflections on Scottish Independence from the United States

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 381-388 ◽  
Author(s):  
Euan Hague ◽  
Alan Mackie
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Us ◽  
Scottish Independence ◽  
The Uk ◽  
Scottish Diaspora

The United States media have given rather little attention to the question of the Scottish referendum despite important economic, political and military links between the US and the UK/Scotland. For some in the US a ‘no’ vote would be greeted with relief given these ties: for others, a ‘yes’ vote would be acclaimed as an underdog escaping England's imperium, a narrative clearly echoing America's own founding story. This article explores commentary in the US press and media as well as reporting evidence from on-going interviews with the Scottish diaspora in the US. It concludes that there is as complex a picture of the 2014 referendum in the United States as there is in Scotland.

Palestine Unbound

2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (3) ◽  
pp. 130-134
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Human Rights ◽  
Task Force ◽  
The United States ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Tel Aviv ◽  
The Us ◽  
Intention To Move ◽  
Arab Israeli Conflict ◽  
The U.S

This section, updated regularly on the blog Palestine Square, covers popular conversations related to the Palestinians and the Arab-Israeli conflict during the quarter 16 November 2017 to 15 February 2018: #JerusalemIstheCapitalofPalestine went viral after U.S. president Donald Trump recognized Jerusalem as the capital of Israel and announced his intention to move the U.S. embassy there from Tel Aviv. The arrest of Palestinian teenager Ahed Tamimi for slapping an Israeli soldier also prompted a viral campaign under the hashtag #FreeAhed. A smaller campaign protested the exclusion of Palestinian human rights from the agenda of the annual Creating Change conference organized by the US-based National LGBTQ Task Force in Washington. And, UNRWA publicized its emergency funding appeal, following the decision of the United States to slash funding to the organization, with the hashtag #DignityIsPriceless.

Against Slave Power? Slavery and Runaway Slaves in Mexico-United States Relations, 1821–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-170
Author(s):  
Gerardo Gurza-Lavalle
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
The South ◽  
Runaway Slaves ◽  
The Us ◽  
El Alto ◽  
Upper South ◽  
Lower South

This work analyses the diplomatic conflicts that slavery and the problem of runaway slaves provoked in relations between Mexico and the United States from 1821 to 1857. Slavery became a source of conflict after the colonization of Texas. Later, after the US-Mexico War, slaves ran away into Mexican territory, and therefore slaveholders and politicians in Texas wanted a treaty of extradition that included a stipulation for the return of fugitives. This article contests recent historiography that considers the South (as a region) and southern politicians as strongly influential in the design of foreign policy, putting into question the actual power not only of the South but also of the United States as a whole. The problem of slavery divided the United States and rendered the pursuit of a proslavery foreign policy increasingly difficult. In addition, the South never acted as a unified bloc; there were considerable differences between the upper South and the lower South. These differences are noticeable in the fact that southerners in Congress never sought with enough energy a treaty of extradition with Mexico. The article also argues that Mexico found the necessary leeway to defend its own interests, even with the stark differential of wealth and resources existing between the two countries. El presente trabajo analiza los conflictos diplomáticos entre México y Estados Unidos que fueron provocados por la esclavitud y el problema de los esclavos fugitivos entre 1821 y 1857. La esclavitud se convirtió en fuente de conflicto tras la colonización de Texas. Más tarde, después de la guerra Mexico-Estados Unidos, algunos esclavos se fugaron al territorio mexicano y por lo tanto dueños y políticos solicitaron un tratado de extradición que incluyera una estipulación para el retorno de los fugitivos. Este artículo disputa la idea de la historiografía reciente que considera al Sur (en cuanto región), así como a los políticos sureños, como grandes influencias en el diseño de la política exterior, y pone en tela de juicio el verdadero poder no sólo del Sur sino de Estados Unidos en su conjunto. El problema de la esclavitud dividió a Estados Unidos y dificultó cada vez más el impulso de una política exterior que favoreciera la esclavitud. Además, el Sur jamás operó como unidad: había diferencias marcadas entre el Alto Sur y el Bajo Sur. Estas diferencias se observan en el hecho de que los sureños en el Congreso jamás se esforzaron en buscar con suficiente energía un tratado de extradición con México. El artículo también sostiene que México halló el margen de maniobra necesario para defender sus propios intereses, pese a los fuertes contrastes de riqueza y recursos entre los dos países.

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