The benefits of narratology in the analysis of multimodal legitimation: The case of New Democracy

2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 258-277 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dimitrios Chaidas

Previous studies on legitimation, multimodality and political discourse by researchers, such as Van Leeuwen, Van Dijk and Mackay, have suggested different but supplementary methods of legitimation analysis by providing a number of analytical frameworks. Multimodal legitimation research, however, seems to be in need of a better conflation of the theoretical backgrounds of disciplines, such as narratology. This article focuses on the multimodal discourse of three political advertisements of the political party New Democracy, filmed for the needs of the Greek legislative election of January 2015. What is investigated is the multimodal means by which New Democracy’s president, and Prime Minister at the time, Antonis Samaras attempted to legitimise his candidacy. In this article, I use the six-layer framework proposed by Mackay for multimodal legitimation analyses and I argue that multimodal legitimation research can benefit and get enhanced from the use of narratology and its analytical categories, such as perspective.

Author(s):  
Nadia Anuar ◽  
Nurizah Md Ngadiran

The use of politeness strategies has received increasing attention in the political discourse as a powerful persuasion tool. These strategies became critical for the newly appointed prime minister of Malaysia, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, to convince Malaysians that he is qualified to lead the country during a political upheaval and global pandemic. Thus, the objectives of this paper are to identify the types and frequency of the politeness strategies used by Muhyiddin Yassin in his maiden speech as the eighth prime minister of Malaysia. Two categories of politeness strategies based on Brown and Levinson’s (1987) were examined, which are negative strategies and positive strategies. The speech text was obtained from the official website of Prime Minister’s Office and was translated to English for analysis. The translated speech was subsequently checked for validity. Document analysis was used to analyse the translated speech text to determine the types and frequency of the politeness strategies. The analysis revealed that positive politeness strategies were significantly used (88%) compared to negative politeness strategies (12%). The most dominantly used positive politeness strategy was “notice and attend to the receiver’s need, interest, or want” while “use of exaggeration”, “seek agreement”, and “avoid disagreement” were the least used strategy. In contrast, “question” and “giving deference” were identified to be the most frequently used negative politeness strategy. The present study extends our knowledge on the use of politeness strategies in a political speech in an Asian setting, which is notably lacking in the literature.


2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-579
Author(s):  
Marshet Tessema ◽  
Markos Debebe Belay

It is a trite fact that in the recent past decades, Ethiopia has been under a one-party dictatorship. The ruling political party encountered protracted civil protest and at times, an armed struggle. This has led to the overthrow of former party leaders and the dictatorship. The protracted protest against the party has led to change from within the ruling party. Thus, with the coming to power of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, there has been a widespread change in the political and legal landscape. Ethiopia has adopted various mechanisms including establishing a reconciliation commission as a means to reckon with legacies of a repressive past. This article takes stock of the major problematic areas of the Ethiopian Reconciliation Commission establishment law, Proclamation 1102/2018, with the aim to propose measures to be taken to rectify its blind spots.


2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 207
Author(s):  
Ayyaz Qadeer ◽  
Wasima Shehzad

The present study presents a critical view of the speech delivered on May 09, 2011 by the prime-minister of Pakistan, Yousuf Raza Gillani. Following the language of the political discourse, this speech is delivered in the parliament house in front of the speaker, but is meant for the masses. The position of the speaker remains uniform as the questions are asked in the end alone. However, the speech is meant for both the addressee present at the time of the speech, and the assumed masses. It was found out the pronouns we, our, were constantly used to shift the responsibility on Al-Qaida whereas “I” was used for authority in order to digress the discussion from the topic. The pronouns and the vocabulary together establish the in-group or out-group category. The solidarity is shown towards the masses to get their support and defense is shown towards the allies who are accusing the government of fraud and nefarious ploy. Mystification is performed at a number of places to hide truth and claim the truth alternatively.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Qamar Abbas Cheema ◽  
Syed Qandil Abbas

Pakistan's confessional parties are re-inventing themselves. The Parties that are carrying a legacy from the time before partition are struggling to keep themselves relevant in mainstream political discourse. Pakistan's political landscape is changing because of the rise of Tehreek-i-Insaf, a progressive center-right political party that has altered the electioneering environment in Pakistan. Two main confessional parties Jamaat Islami (JI) and Jamiat Ulma e Islam Fazal Ur Rehman (JUI-F) are trying to develop an inclusive and pluralist political agenda. JI is a hierarchical Islamic party whereas JUI-F is a network Islamic party. Political Islam is in the process of shrinking in Pakistan because of the rise of political alternatives and outdatedness of the political and electoral discourse of confessional parties. Political Islam in Pakistan is changing by improving its ideological, political, and organizational structure in relation to its contemporary rivals. Changes in political Islam are not because of intellectual diversity and growth within confessional parties but to manage and compete for the rise of competing domestic political perspectives. Transnational connections with like-minded Islamist groups have scaled-down as the like-minded religio-ideological partners are termed as extremists and terrorists.


2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (6) ◽  
pp. 691-715 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian Lap-ming Wai ◽  
Foong Ha Yap

Politicians frequently face adversarial questions during election time. They often provide evasive replies to veer away from the controversial issues, but such equivocation also distances them from the audience. To deal with this problem, politicians often use the inclusive ‘we’ to identify themselves with the interest of the general public when they equivocate, or they sometimes use the exclusive ‘we’ to shift the responsibility of controversial policies to their political parties. The choice of inclusive versus exclusive ‘we’ in equivocation is not random but is governed by contextual factors, for example, the speech topic, the politician’s affiliation (if any) and the political system within a given culture. In Hong Kong, the Chief Executive Election candidates often do not belong to any political party. In this article, we examine how this unique contextual factor affects the choice of inclusive and exclusive ‘we’ in the evasive replies of politicians in the 2012 Hong Kong Chief Executive Election debates.


2021 ◽  
pp. 217-224
Author(s):  
Michael Llewellyn-Smith

Venizelos's arrived in Athens in early September 1910. He addressed the people in a major speech in Constitution Square, making clear that he would work with the King, since 'crowned democracy' best fitted the political culture of the Greek people. He looked to the King to lead the reform program. He announced that he would create a new political party from like-minded people committed to new and liberal ideas. For the rest he condemned the failures of the old political world, over emigration, security, agriculture and industry, indeed across the board, and promised better. The speech quickly acquired mythical status, partly for the forthright way in which he squashed hecklers who cried out for fundamental changes in the constitution (i.e. affecting the prerogatives of the Crown). He defended limited constitutional changes. Foreign affairs hardly featured. This debut was rapidly followed by his appointment as prime minister, following the failure of the old party leaders to pick up the baton, and by his confirmation through new elections which gave him the desired majority in parliament. This was a brilliant start to his political career in Greece.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 99-120
Author(s):  
M. Faishal Aminuddin ◽  
Natasha Hassan Attamimi

Money politics is a serious problem for the improvement in the quality of democracy in Indonesia. In every election, there has been a shift or variation in the pattern of money politics. This article answers the important question of what pattern of money politics applied in the 2014 elections was. This study found that the pattern was more complex and that it involved more actors between not only candidates and voters, but also the election organizers. A case study had been used to view the pattern of money politics in the legislative elections in Surabaya and Sidoarjo during the 2014 election. This study explains the connectivity between the emergence of pragmatic-rational voters, the engagement of the party oligarchy in moving the political party machinery and the covert dealings with the election organizer.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. p34
Author(s):  
Budhy Prianto ◽  
Dwi Suharnoko

In the democratic countries, political party acts as mediator bridging communication between government and its citizens. The decline of political party taking place before and after the 2014 and 2019 presidential elections and legislative elections certainly affects the political parties in carrying out their roles. Conducted in Malang, objective of this study is to describe factors contributing declining image of political parties and its implications. The findings showed that image of political parties are deteriorating due to lack of trust towards the political parties and politicians in the parliament. The Decree on direct vote system for both presidential and regional head election and establishment of an open proportional system in legislative election also contribute to the deterioration. Implications of the phenomenon are negative attitude and declining interest towards political party.


Author(s):  
Marian Grzybowski

The institution of the prime-minister, formed in monarchical states, has gained a new political environment in the republic affecting the position and nature of the p[rime-minister’s office. This position depended ,to a large extent, on the systemic location and the shape of the function and competences of the elected president of the republic. The systemic solution adopted in this respect were, as a rule, between two border models; the prime-minister’s full dependence on the political (party) and majority forces in the parliament and the political connection of the castoff the prime-minister’s position to the political profile and personal preferences of the president. Among the solutions indicated here were a number of intermediary solutions used in the systemic practice of individual countries. The political changes at the turn of the Year 1989/1990 in Central and South-Eastern Europe favoured shaping the position of the prime-minister in connections of the model of parliamentary government (i.e. depending on the party structure and majority confidence in parliament) ,but with influence of the president (especially in case of the cast of this office in general and direct election).


Author(s):  
Andreas Pantazopoulos

This study is concerned with the political discourse and practice of Andreas Papandreou both as prime minister of Greece (1981–9, 1993–6) and as the founder and ‘charismatic leader’ of PASOK (Panhellenic Socialist Movement). More specifically, it discusses Papandreou’s political discourse and critically presents the PASOK administrations’ work with a view to identifying and evaluating the ideological–political orientation and modalities of the ‘modernization’ experiment that took place in Greece, particularly in the 1980s. The study is thus focused on the ‘populist character’ instilled in PASOK by Andreas Papandreou: to begin with, it offers a critical overview of the formative ‘moments’ of Papandreou’s approach to the Greek ‘political problem’, as formulated first before 1974 and then during PASOK’s years in opposition (1974–81). The discussion of the governmental populist decade 1981–9 (and the three years between 1993 and 1996)—in terms of both the so-called ‘social issue’, the state, and nationalist rhetoric—examines Papandreou’s political legacy, as well as some possible continuities and discontinuities between an oppositional ‘before’ and a governmental ‘after’. Moreover, it proposes a comparative analysis of the Greek case against a setting of social-democratic politics and populist mobilization, aimed at offering an overall understanding of the particular phenomenon. Viewing Αndreas Papandreou as a ‘charismatic’ national-populist leader, the study presents the general directions and internal tensions of his political discourse between ‘populism’ and ‘modernization’.


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