Post-regime-change Afghan and Iraqi media systems: Strategic ambivalence as technology of media governance

2021 ◽  
pp. 175063522110627
Author(s):  
Mohammed A Salih

This article investigates the governance of post-US invasion Afghan and Iraqi media systems by analyzing provisions pertinent to public broadcasting, licensing, and defamation in 14 laws and policy documents in the two nations. The author argues that the results point to a regime of regulatory ambivalence whereby state authorities have established an ontologically incongruent complex of legal and policy structures characterized by a simultaneous cohabitation of democratic and authoritarian tendencies. This ambivalence, born of struggles and contestations between state authorities, domestic civil societies and external supporters and donors, is a deliberate technology of media governance. The authoritarian tendencies of this regulatory regime have implications for media/journalists’ self-regulation as they are designed to curtail the agency of media institutions and journalists, and assert government control over speech and the flow of information.

2018 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Belinda Reeve

This paper examines regulation of alcohol advertising regulation in Australia. Specifically, it considers whether the alcohol industry’s code of conduct, the Alcohol Beverages Advertising Code (‘ABAC’) operates as an effective form of industry-based regulation, focusing on provisions that prohibit alcohol advertising in media directed to children and young people, and advertising content or messaging that appeals to minors. The paper sets out a framework for effective self-regulation and applies it to the substantive provisions and regulatory processes established by the ABAC Scheme. The paper finds that the substantive rules found in the ABAC contain a number of significant loopholes, including a failure to adequately restrict the placement of alcohol promotions or to regulate alcohol industry sponsorship. Further, the ABAC Scheme lacks independent administration, systematic monitoring, or meaningful sanctions for responding to non-compliance. Accordingly, regulatory processes lack transparency and accountability, undermining the credibility and efficacy of the Scheme. The paper concludes by outlining a phased or responsive approach to creating a regulatory regime that protects young people more effectively from exposure to alcohol marketing.


Based on the recognition that neither the command-and-control nor the self-regulation mode based regulation can accommodate the ever growing complexity of the financial market, this chapter argues that a new regulatory regime is needed. This chapter discusses the four theoretical concepts -- governmentality, reflexivity, responsive regulation and ‘smart’ regulation – that anchor a proposed alternative “smart” regulatory framework.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-63
Author(s):  
José Santana-Pereira

Abstract This article reports a comparative analysis of the media’s political agenda setting capacity in 27 European media systems, aimed at testing the hypothesis that the magnitude of this phenomenon is moderated by factors such as development of the press markets, journalist professionalization, strength of public television or political pluralism. The empirical analysis relies on data collected by the expert survey European Media Systems Survey, the World Association of Newspapers, the European Audiovisual Observatory, and the research project Providing an Infrastructure for Research on Electoral Democracy in the European Union (PIREDEU). Results show that political agenda setting is perceived as more common in press markets in which newspapers work as means of horizontal communication (and are, as subsystem, politically imbalanced), but that journalist professionalization and strength of public broadcasting systems foster political agenda setting effects.


2021 ◽  
pp. 7-16
Author(s):  
V. F. Popondopoulo ◽  

The article examines the issues of differentiation of the regulation of public relations, defined primarily by the differentiation of public relations, and then inherent in their legal forms (based on self-regulation) and external regulatory forms (based on power regulations). The need to renounce the traditional differentiation of the right to industry, including its division into so-called private and public law, is justified because it reflects external forms of expression of law, i.e. differentiation of legislation governing a variety of public relations, divided into private and public relations. The notion of dualism (pluralism) of the law must be replaced (or at least interpreted) with the notion of dualism of the regulation of public relations, meaning legal and regulatory regulation, with all the ensuing consequences. Such an approach implies the need to clarify the entire terminology range of jurisprudence. This article discusses issues such as the legal and regulatory regime (mechanism) of public relations regulation, legal and regulatory principles for regulating public relations, legal and regulatory legal facts, as circumstances that are the basis for the emergence, change and termination of legal relations and power relations.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohammad Moniruzzaman

PurposeDebate is growing around the expansion of risk-based regulation. The regulation scholarship provides evidence of regulatory failure of the risk-based approach in different domains, including financial regulation. Therefore, this paper aims to provide cautionary evidence about the risk of regulatory failure of risk-based strategy in the financial regulation while using enterprise risk management (ERM) as a meta-regulatory toolkit.Design/methodology/approachBased on interview data gathered from 30 risk managers of banks and five regulatory personnel, combined with secondary data, this study mainly explores the challenges for meaningful use of ERM based self-regulation in regulated banks. The evidence helps to assess the risk of regulatory failure of the risk-based regulation while using ERM.FindingsThe evidence reflects that regulated banks face diverse challenges arising from both peripheral and internal environments that limit the true internalization of ERM-based self-regulation. Despite this, the regulator uses this self-regulation as a meta-regulatory toolkit under the risk-based regulation to achieve the regulatory aims. However, the lack of true internalization of ERM based self-regulation is likely to raise the risk of regulatory failure of risk-based regulation to achieve the regulatory goals. Risk-based regulation is an evolving strategy in the regulatory regime. Therefore, care should be taken while using ERM as a regulatory toolkit before relying on it substantially.Originality/valueThe paper provides empirical insights about the challenges for effective use of ERM as a meta regulatory toolkit that might be useful practically both to the regulators and regulated firms.


Author(s):  
Lidia Valera-Ordaz ◽  
Doménech-Beltrán

The Covid-19 pandemic has produced not only a terrible sanitary crisis but also several problems related to the circulation of disinformation in the context of hybrid and increasingly fragmented media systems. In this work, we analyze a polemical question included in the Center for Sociological Research (CIS) survey conducted in April about the appropriateness of limiting free circulation of information to avoid diffusion of fake news and disinformation. The goals are to (1) analyze the sociodemographic traits of those in favor of limiting the free circulation of information, and (2) explore their general political preferences and affiliations, and the association with attitudes regarding freedom of information. The results obtained through a quantitative methodological approach based on contingency tables and standardized residuals indicate that the most common sociodemographic profile of those in favor of limiting the flow of information is the following: young women (between 18 and 25 years) with secondary education who live in small municipalities and belong to the lower social class. Moreover, the findings illustrate that there is a significant statistical association between supporting the limitation of information and different indicators of supporting the Socialist government: voting and sympathizing with the Socialist Party, self-location in the extreme left, and trusting both the central government management of the crisis and the leadership of Pedro Sánchez. Resumen La pandemia ocasionada por la crisis de la Covid-19 ha supuesto no sólo una terrible crisis sanitaria, sino importantes problemas relacionados con la difusión de desinformación en el contexto de sistemas mediáticos híbridos y crecientemente fragmentados. Analizamos la polémica pregunta del CIS (Centro de Investigaciones Sociológicas) sobre la pertinencia de limitar la libre circulación de información para restringir la difusión de bulos y noticias falsas. El objetivo es: 1) analizar las características sociodemográficas básicas de quienes se declararon partidarios de restringir la libre circulación informativa, y 2) explorar sus inclinaciones políticas e ideológicas, y su asociación con las actitudes en torno a la libertad informativa. Así, mediante una metodología cuantitativa basada en tablas de contingencia y residuos tipificados corregidos, los resultados reflejan que el perfil sociodemográfico más frecuente entre los partidarios de limitar la libertad informativa es el de una mujer joven (entre 18 y 25 años), con estudios secundarios, que vive en municipios pequeños y declara pertenecer a la clase social baja. Además, los resultados ilustran que existe una asociación estadística significativa entre apoyar la restricción informativa y diversos indicadores de apoyo al Gobierno central: votar y simpatizar con el PSOE, situarse en la extrema izquierda, confiar en la gestión de la pandemia del Gobierno central y confiar en su presidente.


Author(s):  
Konstantinos K. Stylianou

Lawyers find great joy in pointing out the destructive effects of digital technology on privacy and naturally expect the law to avert overexposure of people’s personal information. This essay takes a different view by arguing that the trajectory of technological developments renders the expansive collection of personal data inevitable, and hence the law’s primary interest should lie in regulating the use—not the collection—of information. This does not foreshadow the end of privacy, but rather suggests a necessary reconceptualization of privacy in the digital era. Along those lines we first need to acknowledge that people increasingly sacrifice voluntarily some of their privacy to enjoy the benefits of technology. Second, the ready availability of a huge volume of personal information creates attention scarcity, such that the chances a person’s privacy will be intruded are diminished. Most importantly, though, once the law accepts the inevitability of the collection of personal information, it will be best in the position to focus attention on ensuring that the collected information is appropriately used, instead of wasting resources on trying to hinder in vain its collection. This more realistic approach calls for alternative means of regulation, like self-regulation or emphasis on informed consent, and facilitates the flow of information by reducing the transactional cost of its sharing and dissemination.


2013 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Harmen Groenhart ◽  
Huub Evers

Journalism and self-regulation: results from a cross-country survey among journalists Journalism and self-regulation: results from a cross-country survey among journalists In light of the discussion on journalistic quality, the effectivity of self-regulation and proposals of other types of regulation in journalism, a consortium of twelve European and two Arabic countries (MediaAcT, as part of the Seventh EU Framework Programme) conducted a quantitative survey among professional journalists (N = 1,764) in 2011. This article discusses perceptions of journalists on media regulation from four perspectives (State, market, profession and audience) against the background of different media systems (cf. Hallin & Mancini, 2004). While showing a set of deviations, the results partially confirm the theoretical model. We recommend that European policy be more directed towards safeguarding freedoms as well as stimulating self-regulation among media companies.


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