scholarly journals Studying problems, not problematic usage: Do mobile checking habits increase procrastination and decrease well-being?

2021 ◽  
pp. 205015792110293
Author(s):  
Adrian Meier

Most prior research on the effects of mobile and social media on well-being has worked from either the “technology addiction” or “screen time” approach. Yet these frameworks struggle with considerable conceptual and methodological limitations. The present study discusses and tests an established but understudied alternative, the technology habit approach. Instead of conflating mobile usage with problems (i.e., addictive/problematic usage) or ignoring users’ psychological engagement with mobiles (i.e., screen time), this approach investigates how person-level (habit strength) and day-level aspects of mobile habits (perceived interruptions and the urge to check) contribute to a key problem outcome, procrastination, as well as affective well-being and meaningfulness. In a five-day diary study with N = 532 student smartphone users providing N = 2,331 diary entries, mobile checking habit strength, perceived interruptions, and the urge to check together explained small to moderate amounts of procrastination. Procrastination, in turn, was linked to lower affective well-being and meaningfulness. Yet mobile habits showed only very small or no direct associations with affective well-being and meaningfulness. By separating habitual mobile connectivity from problem outcomes and well-being measures, this research demonstrates a promising alternative to the study of digital well-being.

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Sewall ◽  
Daniel Rosen ◽  
Todd M. Bear

The increasing ubiquity of mobile device and social media (SM) use has generated a substantial amount of research examining how these phenomena may impact public health. Prior studies have found that mobile device and SM use are associated with various aspects of well-being. However, a large portion of these studies relied upon self-reported estimates to measure amount of use, which can be inaccurate. Utilizing Apple’s “Screen Time” application to obtain actual iPhone and SM use data, the current study examined the accuracy of self-reported estimates, how inaccuracies bias relationships between use and well-being (depression, loneliness, and life satisfaction), and the degree to which inaccuracies were predicted by levels of well-being. Among a sample of 393 iPhone users, we found that: a.) participants misestimated their weekly overall iPhone and SM use by 22.1 and 16.6 hours, respectively; b.) the correlations between estimated use and well-being variables were consistently stronger than the correlations between actual use and well-being variables; and c.) the amount of inaccuracy in estimated use is associated with levels of participant well-being as well as amount of use. These findings suggest that estimates of device/SM use may be biased by factors that are fundamental to the relationships being investigated. **This manuscript is currently under review**


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-399 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig J. R. Sewall ◽  
Todd M. Bear ◽  
John Merranko ◽  
Daniel Rosen

Using Apple’s Screen Time application to obtain reported actual iPhone and social media (SM) use, we examined the accuracy of retrospective estimates of usage, how inaccuracies bias associations between use and psychosocial well-being (depression, loneliness, and life satisfaction), and the degree to which inaccuracies were predicted by levels of well-being. Among a sample of 325 iPhone users, we found that (a) participants misestimated their weekly overall iPhone and SM use by 19.1 and 12.2 hours, respectively; (b) correlations between estimated use and well-being variables were consistently stronger than the correlations between reported actual use and well-being variables; and (c) the degree of inaccuracy in estimated use was associated with levels of participant well-being and amount of use. These findings suggest that retrospective estimates of digital technology use may be systematically biased by factors that are fundamental to the associations under investigation. We propose that retrospective estimates of digital technology use may be capturing the construct of perceived use rather than actual use, and discuss how the antecedents, correlates, and consequences of perceived use may be distinct from those of actual use. Implications of these findings are discussed in view of the ongoing debate surrounding the effects of digital technology use on well-being.


2020 ◽  
Vol 274 ◽  
pp. 864-870 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amber Barthorpe ◽  
Lizzy Winstone ◽  
Becky Mars ◽  
Paul Moran

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lizzy Winstone ◽  
Becky Mars ◽  
CMA Haworth ◽  
Jon Heron ◽  
Judi Kidger

Background There is mixed evidence as to the effects of different types of social media use on mental health, but previous research has been platform-specific and has focused on an oversimplified distinction between active and passive use. This study aimed to identify different underlying subgroups of adolescent social media user based on their pattern of social media activities and test associations between user type and future mental health. Methods Students from nineteen schools (N=2,456) in south-west England completed an online survey measuring thirteen social media activities and four psychosocial outcomes (past year self-harm, depression, anxiety and poor well-being) at age 13 years (October 2019) and repeated a year later (October 2020; aged 14 years). Latent class analysis using Mplus identified distinct classes of social media user. A bias-adjusted three-step model was used to test associations between class membership at baseline and mental health at follow-up. Analyses were adjusted for gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, socio-economic status, disability, social media screen-time and baseline mental health.Results A four-class model of social media user at baseline was selected based on fit statistics and interpretability. User types were labelled High Communicators; Moderate Communicators; Broadcasters; and Minimal users. Broadcasters at age 13 had the poorest mental health outcomes at age 14, with mental health and well-being generally better in the two Communicator groups. Conclusions Findings suggest that adolescents with high levels of content sharing – in addition to socialising and browsing online – are most likely to be experiencing poor mental health a year later. Recommendations regarding social media use should move beyond screen-time to consider different user types, and mental health implications of their engagement with different online activities.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Craig Sewall

IntroductionResearch indicates that stressors introduced by the COVID-19 pandemic have negatively impacted mental health, particularly among young people.1 Time spent on digital technology (e.g., social media, smartphones) has also increased2 as schools, workplaces, and social gathering sites have closed, thus intensifying pre-pandemic concerns regarding the putative effects of digital technology use (DTU) on mental health. Indeed, recent academic and newspaper articles have both directly and indirectly asserted that increased DTU is a source of the heightened psychological distress observed during the pandemic.3–5 However, these claims are dubious for two primary reasons. First, these articles rely on self-report measures of DTU, which are inaccurate6 and prone to systematic bias.7 Second, since the pandemic has impacted both mental health and DTU for many, the observed association between the two may be attributable to a shared common cause, rather than causality. Thus, we investigated the longitudinal associations between objectively measured DTU and mental health while accounting for important COVID-19-related effects.MethodsThis study was approved by the University of Pittsburgh and followed Strengthening the Reporting of Observational Studies in Epidemiology (STROBE) reporting guidelines. In this four-wave panel study, participants were recruited from Prolific (https://www.prolific.co/), an online participant-recruitment platform. Waves of data collection were launched on August 14, September 12, October 14, and November 9 of 2020. Eligible participants were U.S. residents, 18-35 years old, iPhone users, and had ≥ 10 previous submissions on Prolific with approval rating ≥95%. At each wave, participants uploaded screenshots of their “Screen Time” application (which passively tracks device usage) and completed self-reports of mental health (depression, anxiety, suicidal ideation [SI]), COVID-19-related stressors, and perceived COVID-19-related impact on well-being and DTU (Table 1). We extracted three elements from the “Screen Time” screenshots: (1) total screen time, (2) total time spent on social media, and (3) total number of pickups. We estimated separate random-intercept multilevel models for each mental health outcome using Mplus. Predictors were entered hierarchically in blocks (see eTable 3 in Supplement) to assess ΔR2 at the within- and between-person levels. See Supplement for methodological details. ResultsA total of 384 young adults participated in this study (Mage = 24.5, SDage = 5.1; 57% female; 54% white; 48% Bachelor’s degree education or above). Overall, participants averaged 47.5 hours of Screen Time, 677 pickups, and 15.5 hours of social media over the past week. On average, participants reported experiencing between 4 and 5 pandemic-related stressors per wave. Mean depression and anxiety t-scores were 54.6 and 56.7, respectively, and nearly 29% of participants reported past-week SI at least once. See eTable 1 for summary statistics of sample demographics and primary variables.Results of the multilevel analyses revealed that objectively-measured total screen time and social media use were unrelated to within- or between-person differences in mental health, while between-person difference in pickups was negatively associated with depression (see Figure 1). Together, the objective DTU variables explained, at most, 2.8% of the within- or between-person variance in any of the mental health outcomes (eTable 3 in Supplement). COVID-related impacts on well-being had the largest effects across models—accounting for about 45% and 10%, respectively, of the between- and within-person variance in depression and anxiety, and 21%/28% of the between/within variance in SI. DiscussionAmong a sample of young adults, a population with particularly high rates of DTU8 and COVID-19-related distress,1 we found that objectively-measured DTU did not contribute to increases in depression, anxiety, or SI—refuting the popular notion that increases in DTU may be contributing to young peoples’ psychological distress during the pandemic. Rather, depression, anxiety, and SI were driven mostly by young peoples’ reports of the pandemic’s impact on their well-being. The convenience-based sample, retrospective (past week) assessments of mental health outcomes, and single-item measures of COVID-19-related impacts are limitations of the study. Nevertheless, results indicate that current speculations about the direct harms of DTU on mental health may be unfounded and risk diverting attention from a more likely cause: pandemic-related stressors.


Author(s):  
Xin Yao Lin ◽  
Margie E. Lachman

Only a small percentage of adults engage in regular physical activity, even though it is widely recommended as beneficial for well-being. Thus, it is essential to identify factors that can promote increased physical activity among adults of all ages. The current study examined the relationship of social media use to physical activity and emotional well-being. The sample is from the Midlife in the United States Refresher daily diary study, which includes 782 adults ages 25–75 years. Results showed that those who used social media less often engaged in more frequent physical activity, which, in turn, led to more positive affect. This relationship was found for midlife and older adults but not younger adults. The findings show the benefits of physical activity for well-being and suggest that social media use may dampen efforts to increase physical activity, especially among middle-aged and older adults.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa C. Walsh ◽  
Karynna Okabe-Miyamoto ◽  
Annie Regan ◽  
Jean Twenge ◽  
Sonja Lyubomirsky

Recent correlational research links smartphone and social media use to lower well-being among Gen Z youth, yet other work suggests that the effects are small and unnoteworthy. However, these findings rely heavily on self-report. How accurate is self-reported smartphone time and are objectively measured screen activities associated with lower well-being than nonscreen activities? Finally, are some smartphone uses “better” for well-being than others? We addressed these questions by examining correlations among psychosocial well-being and smartphone time in 414 Gen Z participants. Although objective smartphone use (i.e., assessed via Apple’s Screen Time function) and self-reports were correlated at r=.55, most participants were unable to accurately estimate their smartphone time. Furthermore, the more they used their smartphones—whether assessed objectively or via self-report—the less happy they were (rs=–.14 to .17). However, some apps were associated with more well-being (e.g., Camera, News, Snapchat) and others with less (e.g., Facebook, Reddit, Tinder, Twitter).


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rebekka Kreling ◽  
Adrian Meier ◽  
Leonard Reinecke

Self-presentation on social network sites (SNS) such as Instagram is often assumed to be inauthentic or even fake. While authenticity on SNS has been linked to increased well-being, most research has investigated it either monolithically (e.g., via screen time measures) or with regard to stable self-presentations (e.g., in Facebook profiles). In contrast, this study compares state authenticity within users and between self-presentations via two SNS features—Stories vs. Posts. Drawing on the affordances approach, we theorize and test whether and how Stories produce greater state authenticity—a core indicator of eudaimonic well-being—than Posts. Results from a preregistered within-subjects study comparing self-reports on N = 489 Posts and N = 546 Stories from N = 202 Instagram users show that by allowing more spontaneous self-presentation, Stories indeed produced (slightly) higher authenticity than Posts. However, authenticity was high in both features, further challenging the popular notion of SNS self-presentations as fake.


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