The Impact of Geopolitical Influence on Regional Cooperation and Integration in East Asia

2021 ◽  
pp. 205789112110377
Author(s):  
Arianto Christian Hartono
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Regional Cooperation ◽  
Regional Studies ◽  
Methodological Challenge ◽  
The Us ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Regional Order ◽  
Relative Decline ◽  
The Impact

Recent developments in regional studies argue that geopolitical influence is one factor affecting the regional order. However, studies on geopolitical influence have yet to cover East Asia to explain East Asia's regional order. The quantitative approach to geopolitical influence studies still faces a methodological challenge because it uses an arbitrary weighting of geopolitical influence in developing an index. In order to address those challenges, this research deploys factor analysis as a non-arbitrary weighting system to measure the geopolitical influence of China, Japan, Russia, and the US in East Asia during the period from 2005 to 2018. Additionally, this research explores how the geopolitical influence of those countries affects East Asia's regional cooperation and integration. The research shows that: (1) China has been able to compete with the US for geopolitical influence in East Asia since 2014, and (2) Chinese, Japanese, Russian, and US geopolitical influence positively contributes to regional cooperation and integration in East Asia, with the US and China as the main contributors. The research highlights three possible causes to explain the results: China's regional infrastructure initiatives, rejuvenation of China's view on globalization, and the relative decline of US relations with the allies in the region.

Mr. X and the Pacific

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Heer
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Korean War ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
The Impact

This book chronicles and assesses the little-known involvement of US diplomat George F. Kennan—renowned as an expert on the Soviet Union—in US policy toward East Asia, primarily in the early Cold War years. Kennan, with vital assistance from his deputy John Paton Davies, played pivotal roles in effecting the US withdrawal from the Chinese civil war and the redirection of American occupation policy in Japan, and in developing the “defensive perimeter” concept in the western Pacific. His influence, however, faded soon thereafter: he was less successful in warning against US security commitments in Korea and Indochina, and the impact of the Korean War ultimately eclipsed his strategic vision for US policy in East Asia. This was due in large part to Kennan’s inability to reconcile his judgment that the mainland of East Asia was strategically expendable to the United States with his belief that US prestige should not be compromised there. The book examines the subsequent evolution of Kennan’s thinking about East Asian issues—including his role as a prominent critic of US involvement in the Vietnam War—and the legacies of his engagement with the region.

The Impact of European and Chinese Soft Power on Regional and Global Governance

2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
SEBASTIAN BERSICK
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Global Governance ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The Impact

This chapter returns to issues raised by other authors in this section: the contrast between European, Chinese, and US perceptions of hard and soft power in the contexts of regional and global governance. Taking the ASEM process as a case, it shows how Europeans and Asians have approached the interaction from different institutional perspectives. Despite this, it sees ASEM as a process that reflects, and promotes, the advance of regional institutionalism in East Asia, adding an important dimension to the Europe–China relationship. This is then contrasted with the US strategy of dual divergence: a divergent internal strategy that rejects institutionalism for managing regional security; and an external divergent strategy that rejects the building of shared and reciprocal institutions between the USA and Asia. The chapter concludes that Europe's ‘balancing by convergence’ strategy has advantages over the USA's ‘balancing by divergence’ strategy.

Russia: facing west or east

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jude Woodward
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
East Asia ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
The West ◽  
Uncertain Outcome ◽  
Policy Goals ◽  
The Us ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Post War

This chapter reviews US-China-Russia relations in the post-war period, and considers how recent developments affect prospects for the US ‘pivot’. It explains why those driving US foreign policy towards China see the confrontation with Russia in Ukraine as a dangerous and diversionary adventure, leading to Sino-Russian convergence, distracting US attention from East Asia and undermining confidence among the US’s Asian allies of its commitment to the region. It is argued that if the US is to maintain primacy in the 21st century, it must subordinate other foreign policy goals to the paramount objective of containing China’s rise. The US’s failure to do this, instead pitting itself against both Putin in the West and China in the East, means it has driven Russia and China together, quite possibly sacrificing its vital need to contain China for a lesser goal of uncertain outcome in Ukraine.

scholarly journals Managing loyalty through brand image, judgement and feelings for leveraging power brands

2016 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 624-637 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rajshree Panda ◽  
Deepa Kapoor
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
Empirical Study ◽  
Direct Effect ◽  
Brand Image ◽  
Clear Understanding ◽  
Consumer Loyalty ◽  
Global Brands ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Literature Highlight ◽  
The Impact

AbstractRecent developments in the marketing literature highlight the significance of consumer loyalty in driving global brands. In order to provide a clear understanding of the impact of consumer loyalty on power brands, the study explores an integrated framework for managing consumer loyalty attributes: image, judgement and feelings for leveraging power brands. The article utilizes a survey-based empirical study of 600 consumers from FMCG sector. Subsequently, factor analysis has been used to test a series of hypotheses concerning the direct effect of consumer loyalty attributes on power brands. The findings of the study suggest that a firm that pays more attention to manage their consumer loyalty attributes would be significantly benefited from the implementation of power brands and classify clusters of such loyal segments for FMCG sector.

An Interdependence Theory of Wedge Strategies

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-286
Author(s):  
Yuxing Huang
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
East Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Middle Power ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Interdependence Theory ◽  
The Us ◽  
North Vietnam ◽  
The Impact

Abstract A wedge strategy is a state’s attempt to prevent, break up, or weaken a threatening or blocking alliance. An asymmetric alignment consists of a great power (the alignment leader) and a small/middle power (the weaker ally). So when does the wedge strategy of a great power (a divider) towards a competitive asymmetric alignment work? I propose, based upon the ‘Crawford–Izumikawa debate’, an ‘interdependence theory’ of wedge strategies. In the case of an asymmetric alignment that is symmetrically interdependent, the wedge strategy of a divider that accommodates the weaker ally is most likely to succeed. However, a wedge strategy towards an asymmetric alignment that is asymmetrically interdependent is highly likely to fail. I evaluate the theory based upon four wedge strategies adopted in Cold War Asia through analysing American, Russian, and Chinese archival sources. As asymmetrically interdependent, the US–Japan and US–Taiwan alliances offset the impact of Chinese wedge strategies. Between 1955 and 1965, therefore, neither Chinese accommodation nor Chinese pressure could detach weaker American allies from the United States in East Asia. However, China successfully exploited the symmetric interdependence of the US–Pakistan alliance. Between 1962 and 1965, China’s accommodation of Pakistan prevented Pakistan from being used as an American base for containment purposes. Likewise, the Soviet Union took full advantage of the Sino–Vietnamese alignment’s symmetric interdependence, whereby Soviet aid to North Vietnam caused rifts in Sino–Vietnamese relations that eventually wrecked the Sino–Vietnamese alignment. According to the theory, therefore, given the asymmetric interdependence of the hub-and-spokes system, any Chinese attempts to weaken US-sponsored alliances in East Asia would not be effective.

scholarly journals The influence of foreign vs. North American emissions on surface ozone in the US

2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 7927-7969 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. R. Reidmiller ◽  
A. M. Fiore ◽  
D. A. Jaffe ◽  
D. Bergmann ◽  
C. Cuvelier ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Surface Ozone ◽  
Source Region ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
The United States ◽  
Model Ensemble ◽  
Emissions Reductions ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact

Abstract. As part of the Hemispheric Transport of Air Pollution (HTAP; http://www.htap.org/) project, we analyze results from 16 global and hemispheric chemical transport models and compare these to Clean Air Status and Trends Network (CASTNet) observations in the United States (US) for 2001. Using the policy-relevant maximum daily 8-h ozone (MDA8 O3) statistic, the multi-model ensemble represents the observations well (mean r2=0.57, ensemble bias=+4.1 ppbv for all regions and all seasons) despite a wide range in the individual model results. Correlations are strongest in the NorthEastern US during spring and fall (r2=0.68); and weakest in the Midwestern US in summer (r2=0.46). However, large positive mean biases exist during summer for all Eastern US regions, ranging from 10–20 ppbv, and a smaller negative bias is present in the Western US during spring (~3 ppbv). In most all other regions and seasons, the biases of the model ensemble simulations are ≤5 ppbv. Sensitivity simulations in which anthropogenic O3-precursor emissions (NOx+NMVOC+CO+aerosols) were decreased by 20% in each of four source regions: East Asia (EA), South Asia (SA), Europe (EU) and North America (NA) show that the greatest response of MDA8 O3 to the summed foreign emissions reductions occurs during spring in the West (0.9 ppbv reduction due to 20% reductions from EA+SA+EU). East Asia is the largest contributor to MDA8 O3 at all ranges of the O3 distribution for most regions (typically ~0.45 ppbv). The exception is in the NorthEastern US where European emissions reductions had the greatest impact on MDA8 O3, particularly in the middle of the MDA8 O3 distribution (response of ~0.35 ppbv between 35–55 ppbv). In all regions and seasons, however, O3-precursor emissions reductions of 20% in the NA source region decrease MDA8 O3 the most – by a factor of 2 to nearly 10 relative to foreign emissions reductions. The O3 response to anthropogenic NA emissions is greatest in the Eastern US during summer at the high end of the O3 distribution (5–6 ppbv for 20% reductions). While the impact of foreign emissions on surface O3 in the US is not negligible – and is of increasing concern given the growth in emissions upwind of the US – domestic emissions reductions remain a far more effective means of decreasing MDA8 O3 values, particularly those above 75 ppb (the current US standard).

scholarly journals The influence of foreign vs. North American emissions on surface ozone in the US

2009 ◽  
Vol 9 (14) ◽  
pp. 5027-5042 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. R. Reidmiller ◽  
A. M. Fiore ◽  
D. A. Jaffe ◽  
D. Bergmann ◽  
C. Cuvelier ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Surface Ozone ◽  
Source Region ◽  
Effective Means ◽  
The United States ◽  
Model Ensemble ◽  
Emissions Reductions ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact

Abstract. As part of the Hemispheric Transport of Air Pollution (HTAP; http:// www.htap.org) project, we analyze results from 15 global and 1 hemispheric chemical transport models and compare these to Clean Air Status and Trends Network (CASTNet) observations in the United States (US) for 2001. Using the policy-relevant maximum daily 8-h average ozone (MDA8 O3) statistic, the multi-model ensemble represents the observations well (mean r2=0.57, ensemble bias = +4.1 ppbv for all US regions and all seasons) despite a wide range in the individual model results. Correlations are strongest in the northeastern US during spring and fall (r2=0.68); and weakest in the midwestern US in summer (r2=0.46). However, large positive mean biases exist during summer for all eastern US regions, ranging from 10–20 ppbv, and a smaller negative bias is present in the western US during spring (~3 ppbv). In nearly all other regions and seasons, the biases of the model ensemble simulations are ≤5 ppbv. Sensitivity simulations in which anthropogenic O3-precursor emissions (NOx + NMVOC + CO + aerosols) were decreased by 20% in four source regions: East Asia (EA), South Asia (SA), Europe (EU) and North America (NA) show that the greatest response of MDA8 O3 to the summed foreign emissions reductions occurs during spring in the West (0.9 ppbv reduction due to 20% emissions reductions from EA + SA + EU). East Asia is the largest contributor to MDA8 O3 at all ranges of the O3 distribution for most regions (typically ~0.45 ppbv) followed closely by Europe. The exception is in the northeastern US where emissions reductions in EU had a slightly greater influence than EA emissions, particularly in the middle of the MDA8 O3 distribution (response of ~0.35 ppbv between 35–55 ppbv). EA and EU influences are both far greater (about 4x) than that from SA in all regions and seasons. In all regions and seasons O3-precursor emissions reductions of 20% in the NA source region decrease MDA8 O3 the most – by a factor of 2 to nearly 10 relative to foreign emissions reductions. The O3 response to anthropogenic NA emissions is greatest in the eastern US during summer at the high end of the O3 distribution (5–6 ppbv for 20% reductions). While the impact of foreign emissions on surface O3 in the US is not negligible – and is of increasing concern given the recent growth in Asian emissions – domestic emissions reductions remain a far more effective means of decreasing MDA8 O3 values, particularly those above 75 ppb (the current US standard).

scholarly journals IS EAST ASIA AS PREPARED AS EUROZONE FOR MONETARY UNION?

2012 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 471-488 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chee-Heong Quah
Keyword(s):  
Exchange Rate ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Monetary Union ◽  
Exchange Rate Regime ◽  
Monetary Integration ◽  
Interesting Observation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Recent Developments ◽  
Optimum Currency ◽  
Reference Country

Based on optimum currency areas (OCA) theory and recent developments in the exchange rate regime literature, this paper evaluates the level of preparedness of East Asia for monetary integration by using the EMU as benchmark. Ten macroeconomic dimensions are explored in which the first five facets are measured relative to a reference country, namely the US, Japan, or China whilst the remaining five facets are measured in absolute terms, over the most recent years. In some ways, the exercise does signify the relative economic dominance of the three largest economies to the region. Results suggest that East Asia might be fairly prepared for a monetary integration especially when the reference country is the US. Another interesting observation is that amongst the eurozone founding members, Ireland has shown the lowest degree of conformity in a number of the criteria.

Aftermath of Korea

2018 ◽  
pp. 183-198
Author(s):  
Paul J. Heer
Keyword(s):  
East Asia ◽  
Korean War ◽  
State Department ◽  
The Philippines ◽  
The State ◽  
Strategic Vision ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
Communist China ◽  
The Impact

This chapter discusses how the impact of the Korean War undermined and ultimately destroyed Kennan’s strategic vision for US policy in East Asia. It led to the US militarization of Japan; US security commitments in Korea, Taiwan, Indochina, and the Philippines; and a hardening of US policy toward Communist China—all of which he had opposed. The net result was the application in East Asia of a version of Kennan’s own containment doctrine that he did not support. The final tragic casualty was Davies himself: the chapter describes how McCarthyism and charges of Communist sympathies led unjustly to Davies’s dismissal from the State Department, and the impact this had on Kennan.

The Chinese Civil War and Implications for Borderland State Consolidation in Mainland South-East Asia

2019 ◽  
Vol 241 ◽  
pp. 214-235
Author(s):  
Enze Han
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
East Asia ◽  
South East Asia ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Threat Perceptions ◽  
External Threats ◽  
The North ◽  
The Us ◽  
Chinese Civil War ◽  
The Impact

AbstractFew studies on the legacies of the Chinese Civil War have examined its effects on state consolidation in the borderland area between China and mainland South-East Asia. This paper empirically examines the impact of the intrusion of the defeated Kuomingtang (KMT) into the borderland area between China, Burma and Thailand. In the People's Republic of China (PRC), the presence of the US-supported KMT across its Yunnan border increased the new communist government's threat perceptions. In response, Beijing used a carrot-and-stick approach towards consolidating its control by co-opting local elites while ruthlessly eliminating any opposition deemed to be in collusion with the KMT. In the case of Burma, the KMT presence posed a significant challenge to Burmese national territorial integrity and effectively led to the fragmentation of the Burmese Shan State. Finally, in Thailand, Bangkok collaborated with the Americans in support of the KMT to solidify its alliance relations. Later, Thailand used the KMT as a buffer force for its own border defence purposes against a perceived communist infiltration from the north. This paper contextualizes the spill-over effects of the Chinese Civil War in terms of the literature on how external threats can potentially facilitate state consolidation.

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